Un visión crítica de la Revolución Española y el anarquismo organizado

Por Mauricio Soto, militante de Solidaridad-Federación Comunista Libertaria, Santiago

 

El movimiento obrero español y el anarquismo

 

“En España existió un anarquismo obrero, social, al igual que en EEUU. No es el anarquismo de los intelectuales bohemios, de los individualistas del culto al ombligo”

 

 Frank Mintz

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Fanelli junto a los «internacionales» madrileños.

Uno de los hitos más importantes que marcó el origen del anarquismo como tendencia revolucionaria organizada en España, fue la visita en 1868 del militante italiano Giuseppe Fanelli, discípulo de Bakunin, y por lo tanto, adherente al ala antiautoritaria de la Asociación Internacional de Trabajadores (AIT, “Primera Internacional”). Su misión en España fue difundir el anarquismo entre las masas laboriosas (1); entre quienes tuvieron la ocasión de reunirse con él, se encontraba Anselmo Lorenzo, quien sería uno de los fundadores de la sección española de la AIT un año más tarde. El anarquismo organizado se propagó con rapidez entre los explotados del campo y los centros urbanos, quienes mayoritariamente en 1870 se declararon a favor de Bakunin y contra Marx en el seno de la Internacional (2). En 1872 se celebró en la ciudad de Córdoba una convención de la Federación Anarquista que aglutinó a unos 45.000 miembros activos. Luego vino la ola de insurrecciones campesinas en Andalucía, las acciones vindicativas de carácter individual, la semana trágica (3), y el inicio del fuerte arraigo anarquista en las grandes luchas sociales del proletariado español. El anarquismo echó sus primeras raíces en los pueblos campesinos de Andalucía y posteriormente sentó sus bases obreras en las principales ciudades de España, cuyo centro indiscutido fue la urbe industrial de Barcelona, en donde ya en 1918 cerca de un 80% del proletariado catalán pertenecía a organizaciones orientadas por el movimiento libertario.

En la ciudad de Barcelona, en el año 1910 se constituyó la Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT) (4), hecho que marcó un antes y un después para el movimiento obrero español en general y para el anarquismo en particular. En un Congreso llevado a cabo 9 años después, en la ciudad de Madrid, se unifican a nivel nacional en una sola estructura los diferentes sindicatos únicos por rama de producción (5) de orientación libertaria, aglutinando a unos 700.000 afiliados. La CNT, proclamaba la lucha abierta de los asalariados contra la patronal, haciendo de la acción directa de masas su principal medio para lograr sus objetivos y al sindicato como su único interlocutor, contra toda intervención estatal. La CNT planteó la construcción estratégica del comunismo libertario, objetivo de carácter finalista, que fue aprobado por unanimidad.

En 1920, en Barcelona, la patronal y sus aliados (6), declararon una guerra de clases abierta con la intención de frenar el ascenso de la lucha emprendida por la CNT y los anarquistas, implementando la conformación de los llamados “sindicatos libres” (7)  integrados por mercenarios desclasados que actuaban impunemente como verdaderos grupos paramilitares amparados por la ley, que tenían como objetivo asesinar a los mejores hombres y mujeres del movimiento obrero, iniciándose así la época del “pistolerismo” principalmente en Cataluña, pero también en Levante y Aragón. Los asesinatos de sindicalistas se habían vuelto cotidianos, frente a lo cual un puñado de militantes anarquistas conformó un grupo de acción que “devolvería cada golpe” (8). Dentro de este núcleo, se encontraban algunas figuras que más tarde, durante la revolución, desempeñarían roles importantes y muy a su pesar, para bien, o para mal; Buenaventura Durruti, Francisco Ascaso y Joan García Oliver. “Los Solidarios”, como se hicieron llamar a sí mismos, además se encargaron de coordinar agrupaciones barriales pudiendo generar una gran y eficiente red de autodefensa obrera, que pudo contrarrestar el accionar de los sicarios de la patronal; “las redadas que la policía inició fueron recibidas a tiros desde el vecindario, que se solidarizaba con los sindicalistas” (9) . Cada día era asesinado un obrero, y al día siguiente un policía o un burgués, esta vertiginosa dinámica se prolongó por cerca de 3 años (10).

El movimiento anarquista en la clandestinidad, se preparó para conspirar contra la inminente instauración de una nueva Dictadura. En ese sentido “se tomó la resolución de trabajar intensamente con vistas a organizar una huelga general, de carácter insurreccional, como respuesta al golpe militar” (11), la cual no pudo ser llevada a cabo. Así, sin que la clase obrera pudiese articular una respuesta organizada, el 13 se septiembre de 1923 se produjo el Golpe de Estado del general Miguel Primo de Rivera, bajo el pretexto de “poner término a la corrupción política parlamentaria” (12). Un hecho relevante de esta etapa de lucha fue el fracasado intento organizado por “El centro revolucionario de París” de provocar un foco guerrillero en Cataluña que contagiara al resto de las regiones de España llevado a cabo por cerca de 1000 hombres (muchos de ellos anarquistas) que cruzarían la frontera desde Francia, y que a la vez auxiliaría a otro centro similar establecido en Barcelona. Por su parte, en 1926 la policía desbarató producto de una delación (13) un complot que buscaba asesinar al rey Alfonso XIII en París, el cual iba a ser perpetrado por Durruti y Ascaso, motivo por el cual debieron pasar varios meses tras las rejas, junto a su compañero Jover.

Semana_Trágica_1909

Barricadas en  la «Semana Trágica». Barcelona, 1909.

Otro hecho significativo para el movimiento libertario, ocurrió entre el 24 y el 25 de Julio de 1927, cuando por iniciativa de numerosos grupos de afinidad anarquistas de toda la Península Ibérica se celebró una conferencia clandestina en donde se creó en Valencia la Federación Anarquista Ibérica (FAI) (14). Su principal objetivo era operar de modo principalmente conspirativo y clandestino al interior de la CNT, acelerando el proceso revolucionario entre las masas, arrojándose a la tarea de atacar el neutralismo ideológico dentro del movimiento obrero y de defender la influencia anarquista dentro de la confederación; “el grupo se organizaba más bien para intervenir en los sindicatos mediante su influencia ácrata” (15). La FAI era una organización clandestina, pero no secreta, cuyos miembros en su gran mayoría eran activos militantes sindicales en las filas de la CNT. Con el tiempo la FAI oficializó su nexo con la CNT, en lo que se llamó la “trabazón” CNT-FAI, surgiendo entre ambas organizaciones una cierta división de tareas, por un lado, “las propias del sindicato, por el otro, las proselitistas-subversivas” (16). La FAI contaba además con representantes oficiales en los comités superiores de la CNT y “en otros organismo mixtos de expresa creación: comités para atender las necesidades de los presos, comités revolucionarios, etc.” (17), y además era invitada de honor a los congresos confederales a título informativo, sin derecho deliberativo ni resolutivo.

Luego de caer la Dictadura sin pena ni gloria, se instaura la República el 14 de abril de 1931, la cual posee un programa de carácter burgués y conservador que sería incapaz de promover las más mínimas y urgentes medidas de cambio que el pueblo trabajador necesitaba de manera urgente. En medio de esta nueva coyuntura comienza a producirse el primer choque gravitante de tendencias al interior del movimiento libertario, ya que por un lado estaban aquellos que planteaban que había que aclimatarse a la legalidad republicana y buscar “entenderse” con los elementos políticos, y por otra, aquellos que afirmaban que era el tiempo de quemar las etapas de la revolución social. La primera tesis (“evolucionista”, “posibilista” o “etapista”) era defendida por viejos militantes de los “primeros tiempos” de la CNT, tales como, Juan Peiró (18) y Ángel Pestaña (19), mientras que la segunda tesis (“revolucionaria”) era defendida por los “faístas”,y por otros militantes anarquistas de prestigio como Ascaso, Durruti y García Oliver (20). Todo se complicó aún más luego de la publicación del “Manifiesto de los 30” (21), firmado por 30 personalidades sindicalistas confederales anti-faístas, entre las cuales destacaban Peiró, López y Pestaña, el cual fue saludado por los republicanos y los liberales como expresión de sensatez dentro de la CNT. Muchos de los “treintistas” fueron desplazados de sus puestos por incumplir acuerdos colectivos, otros dejaron sus cargos a disposición, algunos se retiraron voluntariamente de la CNT, y finalmente los que quedaron serían expulsados de la organización confederal en una reunión sindical en marzo de 1933. Los “treintistas” constituyeron los llamados “sindicatos de oposición”, que luego cambiaron de nombre a Federación Sindical Libertaria, la cual agrupaba a unos 70.000 trabajadores los cuales era particularmente fuertes en Sabadell y Levante, y vinculados a los gremios de Metalurgia, Madera y Transporte (22).

El 18 de enero de 1932 los mineros de Fígols y varios otros pueblos de los valles del Cardoner y el Alto Llobregat se levantaron en armas, constituyendo comités revolucionarios, formando milicias populares, e implantando el comunismo libertario; al quinto día se rindieron los últimos obreros revolucionarios, sin dar mayor batalla, ante el enorme despliegue militar que contaba con elementos de la “Guardia Civil, batallones de cazadores de montaña, compañías de infantería, baterías de artillería” (23), que tenían la orden de aplastar sin compasión a los sublevados. Centenares de obreros fueron detenidos y encarcelados provisoriamente en barcos en Barcelona, y luego unos cien de ellos serían deportados a bordo del vapor “Buenos Aires” hacia el África occidental española (Río de Oro) y a la isla canaria de Fuerteventura (24). Otro hecho importante que ocurre durante este año, es la creación a mediados de septiembre del gobierno autónomo catalán, que pasaría a llamarse “Govern de la Generalitat de Catalunya”, el que tendría una rol trascendental que jugar en el futuro en relación con los anarquistas al estallar la guerra.

segui

Salvador Seguí, Secretario General de la CNT, asesinado por mercenarios de la patronal, en los años del «pistolerismo».

Luego del episodio del Alto Llobregat se da inicio al ciclo de intentos insurreccionales que marcará este período de lucha. La CNT es tenazmente perseguida por el Govern de la Generalitat ya que no puede tolerar que exista un poder ajeno al del Estado en Cataluña, es por ello que la confederación elabora un plan de carácter insurreccional para ponerlo en práctica cuando se considere oportuno. Este plan se llevó a la práctica el 8 de enero de 1933 cuando los “Cuadros de Defensa”, organismos de choque formados por grupos de acción de la CNT y la FAI atacaron los cuarteles de Barcelona, siendo derrotados. El movimiento se replica en varias regiones españolas, pero en donde más masivamente se acató el llamado fue en Cataluña, Levante y Andalucía. Sin embargo, los sucesos ocurridos en “Casas Viejas”, una remota aldea de la provincia de Cádiz, destacarían por la sangre fría con que actuaron los Guardias Civiles y de Asalto, quienes luego de sitiar la choza de un viejo anciano campesino quien se había atrincherado junto a su familia, le prendieron fuego a la vivienda y quemaron vivos a sus moradores.

El 19 de noviembre en las elecciones la izquierda es derrotada y se entra al llamado “bienio negro”, en donde la Confederación Española de Derechas Autónomas (CEDA) dominaba el parlamento y paulatinamente comienza a tomar las riendas del Gobierno. El triunfo electoral no sorprendió, debido a que existía “una izquierda dividida, y una clase obrera decepcionaba por la política seguida por los republicanos y socialistas” (25), sumado a que además la CNT había llevado a cabo una “huelga electoral”, para castigar la represión anti obrera que había ejercido el Gobierno anterior con apoyo de los socialistas. El 8 de diciembre se recibió al gobierno con una huelga general que fue masiva en “Barcelona, Huesca, Valencia, Sevilla, Córdoba, Granada, Badajoz, Guijón, Zaragoza, Logroño y La Coruña, y parcial en las zonas socialistas del Norte, Madrid y Oviedo” (26), pero luego de 24 horas de iniciado el movimiento, ya se daba por derrotado.

Ante el fortalecimiento de la derecha y su hegemonía en el gobierno, algunos sectores de la CNT comenzaron a impulsar la idea de construir una “alianza revolucionaria” (algunos la planteaban “desde abajo” y “en la calle”, mientras otros “de cualquier manera”), la cual solo cuajó en Castilla y Asturias, debido a que los confederales eran en su gran mayoría reacios a hacer un pacto con los socialistas, en los cuales no tenían ninguna confianza debido a su histórico comportamiento en la luchas sociales de España.

El 6 de octubre 1934 estalló un movimiento revolucionario organizado por el Partido Socialista contra el CEDA, a quienes acusaban de querer instaurar el fascismo. El movimiento se transformó en insurrección en la región de Asturias, zona en que la UGT y los socialistas eran predominantes. Se levantó rápidamente una “comuna” en la cuenca minera bajo el lema “Uníos Hermanos Proletarios” que movilizó a todas las fuerzas políticas revolucionarias (comunistas, socialistas y anarquistas), haciendo eco de la táctica de la “alianza revolucionaria”, mostrando un ejemplo de unidad de acción, el cual lamentablemente no fue imitado por el resto del proletariado español (27), lo que provocó su rápido aislamiento y su posterior aplastamiento militar (28). La unidad por la base y la radicalidad que mostró “El Comité Revolucionario de la República de Obreros y Campesinos de Asturias”, superó con creces los mezquinos objetivos que se había propuesto la dirección socialista, y demostró sobre todo lo que podría ser la revolución en España sí es que se desarrollaba bajo la alianza revolucionaria de las fuerzas obreras.

Por otra parte, en 1935 se fusionaron los grupos marxistas heterodoxos y disidentes de la línea de Moscú; el Bloque Obrero y Campesino (BOC) dirigido por Joaquín Maurín, y la Izquierda Comunista de España (ICE) cuya figura más relevante era Andreu Nin, conformando de esta manera el Partido Obrero de unificación Marxista (POUM). El POUM fue acusado reiteradamente de “trotskista” por sus detractores estalinistas, cuestión que no tiene asidero en la realidad, ya que desde hace un tiempo Nin y sus compañeros habían roto cualquier contacto con Trotsky (29) ya que “éste impulsaba la idea de la integración de la IC en el PSOE, fiel a su política general de ingreso a los PSs para evitar el aislamiento grupuscular” (30).

A principios de 1936 había más de 30.000 presos políticos, la mayoría de ellos anarquistas, ante lo cual, los partidos de izquierda que formaban parte del recién creado Frente Popular (31) prometieron en su programa una amnistía total a los prisioneros acusados de delitos político-sociales cometidos posteriormente a noviembre de 1933, sí es que los obreros con su voto los llevaban a conquistar el Gobierno (32). Ante tal panorama la posición de los anarquistas fue variopinta; por su parte Durruti opinaba lo siguiente “propaguemos o no propaguemos la abstención, hoy los obreros votarán a las izquierdas, pero nuestro comportamiento debe ser idéntico al que adoptamos en noviembre de 1933, es decir, no podemos engañar a la clase obrera (…) nuestras consigna debe ser fascismo o revolución social: dictadura de la burguesía o comunismo libertario. La democracia está muerta en España y la han asesinado los republicanos (33). Finalmente la CNT no logró consensuar una opinión respecto a la “táctica electoral”, y públicamente se limitó a llevar a cabo una tibia y simbólica campaña abstencionista en los diferentes periódicos confederales. Sin embargo, “a la interna”, la CNT sí logró ver con claridad que sus enemigos principales se encontraban en la coalición de derechas que se enfrentaba al Frente Popular, los cuales amenazaban con implantar derechamente el fascismo en España, por lo que dejaron en libertad de acción a la militancia de base. Por los resultados electorales obtenidos el 16 de febrero de 1936, que dieron como vencedor al Frente Popular con 4.838.449 votos, quedó claro que un número importante de afiliados a la CNT asistió a las urnas (34), algunos de los cuales adujeron que la posición anti-electoral en la CNT era una cuestión meramente de táctica y no de principios, mientras que otros simplemente sufragaron con la esperanza de al menos poder sacar de los presidios a las miles de luchadoras y luchadores sociales que se encontraban privados de libertad. Un día después del triunfo electoral del Frente Popular, el pueblo trabajador catalán sin perder tiempo, tomó la iniciativa y se aglutinó alrededor de los presidios con la intención de exigir la salida de los miles de presos políticos (35), imponiendo de hecho el punto central del programa de la coalición de izquierdas: “los 30.000 presos salen a la calle y se reintegran a la lucha en un momento crucial” (36).

El 1º de mayo se celebró en Zaragoza el importantísimo IV Congreso de carácter extraordinario de la CNT, en donde se realiza una “autocritica de los recientes movimientos revolucionarios propios; la programación del comunismo libertario; las proposiciones de alianza revolucionaria a la UGT” (37), la cual lamentablemente nunca fue contestada positivamente por la central controlada por los socialistas.

En 1936 los anarquistas tenían la indudable hegemonía del movimiento obrero español, no solo por ser lo más numerosos (la CNT contaba con más de 1.500.000 de afiliados y la FAI con unos 30.000), sino también por ser los que gozaban de mayor prestigio dentro del movimiento obrero, sobre todo por la coherencia y los principios que encarnaban sus más reconocidos militantes, muchos de los cuales “eran líderes cuya persona obtenía el respeto que inspiraba una vida ejemplar” (38). Cuando ocurrió finalmente la sublevación de los nacionales y el “17 de julio se admitía el alzamiento militar de Franco en Canarias y Marruecos (…) el Gobierno perdió el tiempo emitiendo notas en las que afirmaba que la intentona se había frustrado y que nadie en la Península se había sumado a ella” (39). El 19 de Julio el país ya había quedado virtualmente dividido en dos (40), en Cataluña y en su capital Barcelona, fue el proletariado, prácticamente sin ninguna ayuda de la República (41), quien venció en las calles con las armas en la mano en 32 horas al ejército profesional y a los facciosos (42). Apoyados en una estrategia basada en la fuerza obrera y la táctica de la guerrilla urbana, desgastaron a las unidades enemigas y las aislaron entre sí, eliminándolas una a una. El Gobierno Autónomo fue un mero espectador y se quedó a la expectativa, esperando ver cual sería el siguiente paso que daría el proletariado, a quienes verdaderamente temían más que a los fascistas, porque sabían que en Cataluña el proletariado era abrumadoramente anarquista y de tradición antiestatal.

 

La obra constructiva de la revolución social fluye, como siempre, desde abajo

“Lo que hoy pasa en esa región es de máxima importancia para el movimiento socialista mundial. Más de medio millón de campesinos, impulsados por sus necesidades, por sus miserias y por sus ideales, han tomado en sus manos las riendas de sus destinos”

 Agustín Souchy Bauer

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El pueblo cenetista luego del triunfo popular del 19 de julio en Barcelona.

 Luego de la victoria popular del 19 al 20 de julio en Barcelona, los Comités de Defensa de Barrio (43) se convirtieron en “Comités de Barriada” y constituyeron lo que se llamó la “Federación de Barricadas”, órgano de base que tenía el verdadero poder en Barcelona. Se crearon las “patrullas de control” (embriones de fuerzas populares armadas) con la finalidad de controlar la seguridad en los centros urbanos. Por su parte, los “Comités de abastos” requisaban y distribuían alimentos, en comedores populares instalados en las barriadas más populosas (44). En las calles, fábricas y campos se estaba en presencia del nacimiento de un verdadero y nuevo poder obrero y popular. “La dirección constructiva revolucionaria (con la alianza de facto entre la CNT y UGT) surgió del mismo pueblo, de los sindicatos y de sus activistas” (45) no fue algo que emanó de los comités superiores de la CNT-FAI quienes pidieron siempre “moderación” y “responsabilidad” a sus afiliados. Las secciones sindicales de base adoptaron medidas para la toma de empresas, el control obrero, la colectivización e incluso la socialización de fábricas de diversas ramas productivas. En Cataluña fue donde con mayor empeño se organizó la clase trabajadora en las tareas de construcción de nuevas formas de organización social a nivel industrial, “pero separándose de la cúpula cenetista” (46).

En las ciudades donde se había derrotado a los militares rápidamente se constituyeron columnas milicianas de voluntarias y voluntarios para liberar a España del fascismo y contagiar a las regiones que se irían liberando de la revolución social.  Los anarquistas habían optado por la implementación de un modelo de “milicias populares”, organizando así el entusiasmo del pueblo en armas, rehusando la construcción de un ejército en el sentido tradicional. Las columnas se organizaban de la siguiente forma: una “agrupación” que estaba compuesta por 500 militantes se dividía en 5 “centurias” (de 100 miembros cada una), a la vez cada centuria se fraccionaba en 4 “grupos” de 25 milicianos cada una. El “comité de guerra” estaba en la cúspide de la estructura, y ligados a él existía un “comité técnico-militar” compuesto por militares de oficio que actuaban como asesores del comité de guerra, “grupos autónomos» (compuestos por “unidades internacionales”) y “grupos guerrilleros” que cumplían misiones especiales al otro lado de las líneas enemigas. Todos los delegados eran elegidos desde la base y revocables en todo momento. La autodisciplina y la moral eran de hierro, porque se cimentaban en una elección libre de participar en la lucha armada y en la voluntad de luchar por la emancipación del pueblo trabajador. Como en el frente había escasez de armas, y para no mantener ociosos a los combatientes en las trincheras, los integrantes de la columna que no estuviesen realizando alguna labor eran enviados a colaborar en el trabajo de las colectividades campesinas que surgían por doquier. Se trataba de combatir la sociedad de clases en la medida de lo posible, combatiendo los vicios humanos que toda guerra engendra irremediablemente.

España era un país eminentemente campesino y al estallar la revolución social, en las regiones que no quedaron bajo el yugo de los facciosos (o las que fueron liberadas por la acción de las milicias (47)), el campesinado y el proletariado rural, rápidamente tomaron el poder en sus manos y les arrebataron la tierra a los terratenientes, comenzando la conformación de colectividades, dirigidas desde abajo hacia arriba, cuyo órgano soberano de decisión era la asamblea general. Las colectividades entregaban la producción a las cooperativas que eran grandes almacenes, los cuales abastecían a la población de diversas maneras; en algunos lugares se utilizaba una libreta de consumo, en otros se “tomaba del montón”, también era común el uso de vales que equivalían a una especie de moneda no corriente. Como se ve, en algunos pueblos hubo intentos de abolir el dinero y el salario, pero debido a las circunstancias apremiantes de tipo político-militar, primó en general una tendencia al “salario familiar”, es decir, se repartían los víveres según la cantidad de personas que conformaban el núcleo familiar. Una de las más importantes expresiones de la construcción de la nueva sociedad en el campo español fue la creación del “Consejo Regional de Defensa de Aragón” (48), órgano embrionario de poder popular construido colectivamente y desde la base, que federaba y unificaba a las distintas colectividades de las zonas rurales de Aragón. De la misma forma, el 21 de marzo de 1931 en Levante 63 delegaciones campesinas constituyeron el “Consejo Comarcal de la Zona Liberada de Teruel” (49), “verdadero organismo económico y administrativo descentralizado encargado de estructurar la vida social de los pueblos con criterios colectivistas y antiburocráticos” (50). Los campesinos comprendían claramente que “el individuo por sí solo es poca cosa, no representa más que una unidad; el conjunto lo es todo” (51).

Por iniciativa de las bases nació una incipiente autogestión social (Poder Popular), que innegablemente mejoró sustancialmente el nivel de vida de amplias capas de campesinos, trabajadores y sus familias. Se mejoraron las condiciones de trabajo; se tomaron espontáneamente medidas culturales, tales como la creación de escuelas y bibliotecas; se avanzó enormemente en el plano sanitario, en Aragón la medicina era gratuita; los trabajadores viejos cobraban una pensión; aumentó la producción a pesar de las dificultades objetivas de un contexto de guerra, etc. Casi 1.800.000 personas se auto-organizaron en la España convulsionada de aquellos años, y fueron capaces de crear colectividades campesinas y ocupar las industrias urbanas bajo el poder de la clase trabajadora, orientando con cierto éxito la economía y la vida social en dirección a la satisfacción de las necesidades humanas de la mayoría, y no hacía la acumulación inescrupulosa de una minoría parasitaria. No fue un proceso perfecto, ni idílico, exento de contratiempos y errores, sino todo lo contrario; magna tarea se llevó adelante en un  contexto sumamente adverso, de confrontación bélica, de oposición y sabotaje por parte del Estado, e incluso de las dirigencias de las organizaciones autoproclamadas revolucionarias, lo que sin embargo “no erradicó el impulso de cientos de miles de obreros y campesinos que tomaron la tierra, las fábricas, los vecindarios, los pueblos, confiscando la propiedad y socializando la producción con una autonomía y una solidaridad en la vida diaria que impactó tanto a observadores como a participantes” (52).

 

La derrota política de «cierto» anarquismo

 “Una política interna de colaboracionismo entre clases y de adulación hacia las clases medias conduce inevitablemente a la tolerancia hacia los elementos políticamente equívocos. La quinta columna está constituida no sólo por elementos pertenecientes a formaciones fascistas, sino además por todos los descontentos que aspiran a una república moderada”

 Camillo Berneri

Sin duda, la posición en que se encontraron los anarquistas en el otoño de 1936, fue algo inesperado incluso para ellos mismos: la CNT era dueña absoluta de Cataluña. Los anarquistas, después de décadas impulsando la lucha a través de las huelgas de los sindicatos adheridos a la CNT, aventuras insurreccionales en diversos puntos de la península con la intención de instaurar “comunas libres”, la constante labor cultural y educativa llevada adelante por los ateneos culturales y las escuelas racionalistas, les llevó a convertirse en una imponente fuerza, que sin embargo no supo, no pudo, o simplemente no quiso, llevar adelante sin claudicaciones y con todas las consecuencias que ello implicaba la revolución social hasta el fin.

Inmediatamente después de vencer en las calles de Barcelona a los militares, la burguesía y sus aliados, el movimiento libertario en vez de seguir profundizando el triunfo popular, accedió a formar parte de un “Comité Central de Milicias Antifascistas” (53), con la intención de organizar la liberación de las zonas que habían quedado bajo el poder de las fuerzas nacionales. Este organismo de colaboración antifascista, por un sector de la CNT-FAI, fue entendido como una “fórmula intermedia entre el absolutismo revolucionario y la colaboración gubernamental abierta” (54), pero que dejaba “en pie el viejo aparato del gobierno autónomo, a través del cual iban a canalizarse las relaciones oficiales con el gobierno central” (55), lo cual creían salvaría a la revolución del totalitarismo dictatorial, incluso anarquista. En síntesis, se optó por la colaboración de clases, formando alianzas con fuerzas políticas autoproclamadas antifascistas, ajenas al mundo popular y que despreciaban a la clase trabajadora (56), o con partidos de izquierda pequeños (57) y sin influencia real en el proletariado, defensores de “la legitimidad republicana y empeñadas en la reconstrucción del Estado” (58), y que ni siquiera habían combatido en las calles el 19 de julio; la CNT y la FAI “preferían compartir la dirección política y militar con las demás fuerzas e instituciones, porque consideraban que sin esa unidad era imposible ganar la guerra” (59). Además, la composición de dicho comité no fue proporcional a la verdadera fuerza social que poseía cada grupo; la CNT aceptó la misma cantidad de representantes que la UGT, siendo que ésta era insignificante en Cataluña. Dicha posición fue adoptada por la CNT-FAI, ante el falso dilema al que se enfrentaron de no querer imponer una “dictadura anarquista” en Cataluña, por lo tanto eligieron “colaborar”, en vez de apoyarse en el poder de las masas organizadas, en oposición al poder del Estado. Esta determinante toma de posición, potenció a fuerzas políticas que no tenían base social de apoyo y que con el paso del tiempo comenzarían a controlar dicho comité.

La dirección de la CNT-FAI, fue incapaz de estar a la altura de las circunstancias y manifestó una incapacidad congénita de perseverar en la línea de acción que por décadas había impulsado en el seno del movimiento obrero. El movimiento libertario no pudo sortear con éxito ninguna de las trampas que el poder burgués y la contrarrevolución les tendieron. Aludiendo a la supuesta prioridad de derrotar al fascismo (lo cual parecía estar “por encima de todo” (60)), se implantó la táctica de apoyo al “mal menor”, dejando para después las tareas revolucionarias de liquidación de la sociedad de clases. Los anarquistas no tenían un diseño táctico-estratégico, un “programa preparado, preciso y realista para aplicar en aquella situación revolucionaria” (61), o al menos una noción realmente clara de “que hacer” para el día después de la revolución (62), razón por la cual perdieron rápidamente la iniciativa, cayeron en la estéril improvisación, dejando vía libre para la rearticulación y el crecimiento de las fuerzas que se oponían a la revolución social y a los marxistas que obedeciendo ciegamente los designios de la URSS de Stalin, ahogaron la iniciativa creadora de las masas y el mundo nuevo que nacía por todas partes.

El movimiento libertario cayó así en la implementación de una política seguidista sin límites, que iba a siempre un paso atrás de las iniciativas impulsadas por sus “aliados”, lo cual tendría desastrosas repercusiones para el proceso español, como también para el desarrollo posterior del anarquismo internacional; “las concesiones que la CNT-FAI hizo a sus adversarios políticos en su propio campo se convirtieron en catastróficas derrotas” (63). Las resoluciones tomadas bajo la presión de los factores del momento habían ido creando vicios que acababan por adulterar las tácticas y finalidades de los anarquistas. Desde el 20 de julio del ’36 la CNT-FAI avanzada a pasos agigantados al descalabro revolucionario y todo lo “que nunca había existido en la CNT apareció casi por generación espontánea: el burocratismo, el aparato dirigente y la sumisión, por ‘responsabilidad militante’, de sus principales hombres” (64).

El chantaje de la “no intervención” de las democracias occidentales de Europa (65) y la inmovilidad del proletariado internacional, hizo que la “ayuda” (a cambio del oro del Banco de España), que prometieron los soviéticos (66) sirviera para que los comunistas tuvieran una posición aún más privilegiada en el Gobierno. Mientras tanto, la actitud de la dirección del movimiento libertario hacía que las otras fuerzas que componían el campo antifascista se regocijaran, ya que el apoyo gubernamental de los anarquistas mostraba enormes signos de debilidad, de la que hasta entonces era la principal fuerza revolucionaria.

Es de esta manera que el movimiento libertario dio una seguidilla de concesiones a la República, que fueron cada vez con mayor profundidad desarmando política y “literalmente” a la base obrera. Algunos ejemplos de estas cada vez más profundas capitulaciones fueron los siguientes hechos: el abandono de las tesis antiestatales; la aceptación de “militarizar” las milicias populares que se batían en los campos de batalla contra el fascismo (67); la aceptación de tres cargos ministeriales en el Governo de la Generalitat de Catalunya; el 9 de octubre al decretarse la disolución de los consejos y comités locales en Cataluña la CNT se muestra de acuerdo; el 4 de diciembre la CNT ingresa al Gobierno Central de la República con 4 “ministros anarquistas” (68); luego de que los comunistas iniciaran su campaña en contra el POUM y lo expulsarán del Gobierno, la CNT-FAI guardaría un silencio cómplice; y así un interminable etcétera, hasta que finalmente los anarquistas son desalojados del Gobierno por sus “aliados”.

En la CNT la base ya no tenía el poder, el federalismo funcional se encontraba completamente suprimido, era una organización controlada por una minoría, compuesta “por la vieja militancia de antes del 19 de julio, es decir: los escogidos entre los escogidos” (69). La mecánica horizontal y federativa de la CNT-FAI se quebró rápidamente, y se convirtió en “una mera ratificación formal de los debates y decisiones ya adoptadas por los comités superiores” (70), “los plenos no tenían en cuenta las asambleas de los sindicatos e ignoraban la opinión de las milicias” (71), es decir, se implementó una política de jefes, de “hechos consumados”. Es más, desde la conformación del Comité Central de Milicias Antifascistas, “el funcionamiento de la CNT fue de carácter piramidal y casi leninista, en el que una pequeña vanguardia lo debatía y decidía todo” (72) .

La cúspide de la CNT-FAI saboteaba los embrionarios órganos de poder popular que emergían desde la base, y la obra creadora de la autogestión en las colectividades agrarias y en las ciudades. La separación entre la dirección y la base del movimiento libertario era evidente y en cualquier momento amenazaba con estallar de manera violenta, lo cual finalmente ocurrió en mayo de 1937 en Barcelona (73).

 

Las jornadas de mayo, la guerra de clases en el campo “antifascista”

 

“Un año después del comienzo de la guerra los obreros catalanes habían perdido mucho su poder, pero su posición era aún relativamente favorable. Hubiera podido serlo mucho menos caso de demostrar que estaban dispuestos a inclinarse ante cualquier clase de provocación. A veces es mejor luchar y ser vencido que no luchar”

 George Orwell

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Revolucionarias y revolucionarios en los combates de mayo en Barcelona.

La política en que se había embarcado la CNT-FAI no era para nada compartida por la clase trabajadora encuadrada en el espectro libertario; la base del movimiento sabía que se estaba retrocediendo en las conquistas que el mismo pueblo trabajador había ganado con sudor y sangre en las calles, fábricas y campos. Por lo tanto, los sucesos de mayo, comenzaron a fraguarse mucho antes.

Un decreto dictado por el consejero de orden público el 4 de marzo de 1937, comenzó a encender la mecha en Barcelona, ya que con esto se hacía pública la intención del Gobierno se desarticular a las patrullas de control; el objetivo era desarmar al proletariado y devolver a la policía el monopolio de la violencia, aludiendo a la necesidad de enviar las armas que se encontraban en la retaguardia a los frentes de batalla, las cuales, en su gran mayoría no se encontraban en manos de los anarquistas y revolucionarios precisamente. De esta manera comienzan las primeras escaramuzas, en donde obreros y policías republicanos intentan desarmarse mutuamente, iniciándose de esta manera el 3 de mayo los combates callejeros. Muchos revolucionarios se niegan a entregar sus armas y son arrestados o asesinados en la vía pública. Los comunistas asaltan la central telefónica ubicada en el corazón de Barcelona, la cual estaba en manos de la CNT-FAI. Esta acción origina espontáneamente la declaración extraoficial por parte de los obreros revolucionarios de huelga general. Se levantan las primeras barricadas, y comienzan los enfrentamientos armados en las calles contra las fuerzas gubernamentales. Al lado de la fuerza pública se alinearon los militantes del PSUC, la UGT y los partidos separatistas catalanes, mientras que del otro lado, se encontraba la militancia de base de la CNT-FAI y las Juventudes Libertarias (74), “Los Amigos de Durruti”, el POUM –sobre todo su sector de izquierda-, y el pequeño grupo de la Sección Bolchevique-Leninista de España (75), apoyados en los viejos “Comités de Defensa de Barrio” confederales.

Cabe destacar que los comités superiores de la CNT-FAI fueron desde un principio partidarios del apaciguamiento y la negociación, lo que produjo una onda decepción entre los combatientes confederales y las fuerzas revolucionarias, quienes a pesar de todo pronóstico, comenzaban a inclinar la balanza a su favor, tomando el control de los barrios periféricos, así como de la mayoría del centro. Ante ese panorama, el Gobierno Central envía 5000 miembros de la Guardia de Asalto a Barcelona para poner un freno definitivo a la insurrección. Mientras esto ocurría “los ‘líderes’ anarquistas de la CNT-FAI, convertidos en ministros de un Gobierno burgués, solicitan a los vencedores de las barricadas que bajen las armas, que confíen en los ‘jefes’ para apaciguar el conflicto y para reanudar la unidad de las fuerzas anti-franquistas” (76). Finalmente el 7 de mayo, con la llegada de los refuerzos represivos enviados por el Gobierno Central (ubicado a esta altura en la ciudad de Valencia), “blandiendo como argumento la necesidad de garantizar la ‘paz social’ y evitar una lucha fratricida” (77), se logra un armisticio, en donde las partes se comprometen a liberar a los prisioneros (78). Las jornadas dejan un saldo de más de 500 muertos (79) y 1000 heridos, más que en el heroico 19 de julio, y además, “los hechos sirvieron como excusa para poner a Cataluña bajo el control directo de Valencia, para acelerar la disolución de las milicias y para suprimir al POUM, aparte de que sin duda alguna tuvieron también que ver con la caída del gobierno de Largo Caballero” (80), y la constitución de un nuevo Gobierno presidido por Juan Negrín quien excluyó a los anarquistas y al POUM.

amigo

Panfleto repartido de barricada en barricada durante las jornadas de mayo. Muchos murieron repartiendo esta octavilla.

En agosto de 1937 el Gobierno Central impone la disolución del “Consejo de Defensa de Aragón”, último órgano de poder verdaderamente de intención revolucionaria que quedaba en pie, y Joaquín Ascaso (81) uno de sus representantes es detenido. Mediante la represión republicana, dirigida por el comunista Enrique Líster son desmanteladas las colectividades agrícolas en Aragón, también se realizan expediciones punitivas en Huesca y en los pueblos del frente de Teruel, es decir, todo vuelve a ser como antes de la revolución. En otros lugares la situación no es muy distinta, en las ciudades también se desmantelan los nuevos órganos de poder y se suprime el control obrero de la producción y las colectivizaciones urbanas, en el frente se termina de institucionalizar el “Ejército Popular” a imagen y semejanza del ejército burgués (82), mientras tanto, las cárceles se repletaban de revolucionarios (83); “los mejores hombres caían en primera línea luchando contra el fascismo, y en la retaguardia los arribistas se sentaban en los despachos y ascendían en los comités, haciendo una deplorable labor” (84). La tumba de la revolución social se había cavado de antemano en el bando antifascista y el movimiento libertario tenía una gran responsabilidad en ello. Y la auténtica alternativa revolucionaria que radicaba en la toma del poder por los Comités de Barrio y los sindicatos, fue derrotada no militarmente, sino lo que es peor, políticamente.

 

“Los Amigos de Durruti” y un último intento tardío por salvar la revolución

 “Pero lo que permanecerá como su aporte fundamental, es la resolución del dilema guerra-revolución, su toma de posición auténticamente revolucionaria, la afirmación de la necesidad de un poder obrero en oposición a la colaboración ministerialista, la preeminencia de un análisis de clase, la denuncia de la imprecisión teórica y de la improvisación”

 Georges Fontenis

Mucho se ha dicho sobre este grupo que salió a la luz en medio de los combates de mayo en Barcelona, excomulgados rápidamente por el “anarquismo oficial” (que estaba en el Gobierno dicho sea de paso), desacreditados en la prensa libertaria, tachados de “incontrolados”, “provocadores”, “trotskistas”, “delincuentes”, “agentes estalinistas” (por la CNT-FAI) y “agentes fascistas” (por los estalinistas).

Durruti_mayo_1937

Cartel con el programa de «Los Amigos de Durruti».

La Agrupación fue constituida formalmente el 15 marzo de 1937, en su gran mayoría por milicianos del frente de Aragón (85) que volvieron a la retaguardia con sus armas en señal de protesta contra el decreto de militarización, tomando como referencia la “mistificación” del militante popular anarquista más respetado de España (86). Es así, como “la oposición revolucionaria dentro del movimiento anarquista funda una sección de combate propia: los Amigos de Durruti” (87), para luchar a contracorriente por la verdadera revolución social y denunciar el reforzamiento de los elementos contrarrevolucionarios en el ala antifascista, al cual los burócratas de la CNT-FAI habían contribuido activamente. En vez se continuar cediendo poco a poco las conquistas logradas en julio del ’36, “Los Amigos de Durruti” buscaban que éstas se profundizaran, apuntalando así el camino hacia el comunismo libertario. Entre el 17 de marzo y hasta el 3 de mayo, la Agrupación  realizó varios mítines, repartió manifiestos y octavillas, “saboteó la intervención de Federica Montseny en el mitin Monumental del 11 de abril, y llenó los muros de Barcelona con carteles que explicaban su programa” (88). La Agrupación vislumbró la dramática “carencia de una hoja de ruta necesaria para el día después de la revolución” (89), cuestión que intentaron resolver con su programa. De esta “hoja de ruta” destacaban los siguientes puntos; la necesidad de que todo el poder recayera exclusivamente en la clase obrera y la necesidad de multiplicar los órganos de poder democráticos de obreros, campesinos y soldados, y su coordinación en una “Junta Revolucionaria”. El  2 de mayo el grupo convocó a un mitin en el Teatro Goya para dar a conocer sus propuestas, en donde al finalizar el acto advirtieron a los asistentes que “era inminente un ataque de la reacción contra los trabajadores” (90).

En mayo ya contaban con entre 4000 y 5000 militantes repartidos entre Cataluña y el frente de Aragón (todos ellos militantes de la CNT y algunos de la FAI), y entre sus principales animadores se encontraban (91) Jaime Balius, Pablo Ruiz, Félix Martínez, José Paniagua, Antonio Puig, Francisco Carreño, Antonio Romero, José Esplugas, Bruno Lladó, Eleuterio Roig, Prógreso Cárdenas, Juan Santana Calero, entre muchos otros (92). En medio de las barricadas, entre el 5 y el 6 de mayo, aparece una octavilla, en la cual “Los Amigos de Durruti” abogan por la creación de la ya mencionada Junta Revolucionaria que reemplazaría al Gobierno, la socialización de la economía, el desarme de todos los cuerpos armados represivos, la supresión de los partidos políticos que habían agredido a la clase trabajadora, el fusilamiento de los culpables y por llevar la revolución social hasta el fin. La agrupación en medio de las batallas callejeras intenta brindar una dirección y dotar de objetivos revolucionarios a la rebelión espontánea.

El movimiento libertario oficial, al ser incapaz de asumir sus propias responsabilidades en el papel que se encontraba desempeñando en las altas esferas del poder, luego de mayo, comenzó una intensa campaña de calumnias hacia “Los Amigos de Durruti”, acusándolos de “marxistas” y “jacobinos”, sin realizar ningún análisis serio y meticuloso, basándose solamente en el hecho de que estos revolucionarios se negaron a guardar silencio y decidieron tomar partido “valerosamente en la defensa del POUM y de sus militantes” (93). Según su criterio el POUM (94) debía ser admitido en la eventual constitución de una Junta Revolucionaria por haberse situado en las jornadas de mayo del lado de la clase trabajadora. Al aparecer en circulación el primer número de su periódico de combate “El Amigo del Pueblo” (95), “pondrán especial énfasis en su pertenencia al anarquismo revolucionario” (96), frente a sus falsificadores dentro del movimiento libertario y tomarán una abismante distancia del camino oficial seguido por la confederación y la FAI.

Los comités superiores de la CNT-FAI intentaron excluir a “Los Amigos de Durruti” del movimiento libertario ya que temían que su actividad produjera un quiebre en la CNT-FAI, sin embargo, debido al funcionamiento federalista de la confederación, eran las asambleas de base las únicas entidades soberanas que tenían potestad de afiliar o expulsar militantes. No obstante su intención, la CNT-FAI no logró que ninguna asamblea sindical ratificara la expulsión de los miembros de “Los Amigos de Durruti” de las filas confederales, ya que los obreros no opinaban igual que los altos funcionarios “anarquistas” y solidarizaban con los “durrutistas”, ya que estos lograban sintetizar el verdadero sentir de las masas; “la Agrupación se defendió de la acusación de escisionismo, ya que lo que pretendía era exactamente lo contrario, o sea, la unidad, pero no la unidad con las fuerzas ‘antifascistas’ de la reacción, la unidad en torno al Estado, sino la unidad en defensa de las conquistas revolucionarias, la unidad en torno a los principios (…) y quien no creyera en ellos, que se quitara de en medio” (97).

Su originalidad e importancia para la lucha del proletariado radica en el análisis de la situación política-social-militar que hicieron del momento y en sus propuestas programáticas: “la existencia de Los Amigos de Durruti, [fue una] manifestación concreta de un proceso de clarificación y radicalización de las bases libertarias, [que] demostraba que esta última podía organizarse y dotarse de un programa” (98). La Agrupación denunció sin ambages el unitarismo antifascista llevado adelante por la CNT-FAI contraponiéndola a la unidad proletaria en el marco de los organismos revolucionarios construidos al calor de la lucha, los cuales deberían llevar adelante tanto la guerra como la revolución, ya que entendían que la guerra en la cual ellos combatían era una guerra eminentemente social. Además, dentro de su programa promovieron arduamente la creación de una Junta Revolucionaria, la cual debería ser elegida democráticamente por la clase trabajadora (y no desde los “cuarteles generales” de las distintas organizaciones), y a la cual consideraban la genuina representante de la pasión y la voluntad revolucionaria emanada en julio del ’36, y no por su composición, al Comité Central de Milicias Antifascistas. Reivindicaron la creación de municipios libres que estarían en manos del pueblo trabajador y afirmaron que la economía debería estar en manos exclusiva de los sindicatos revolucionarios, controlados por la clase obrera.

Criticaron también el desarme de la retaguardia el cual lo entendían como el desarme del proletariado, ya que mientras se requisaban armas a los obreros revolucionarios, las fuerzas represivas republicanas ostentaban un abundante y moderno armamento, y por si esto fuera poco, el Gobierno boicoteaba a las columnas confederales que se batían en los campos de batalla, negándoles material de guerra. Ante la militarización forzada impuesta desde arriba que buscaba el restablecimiento de un ejército al estilo clásico burgués, se negaron a la utilización de distintivos que definieran posiciones en la estructura militar, propusieron la necesidad de generar una sólida coordinación de las acciones de guerra, el acatamiento de las órdenes en la ejecución de operaciones militares, y la conservación del derecho de nombrar y revocar oficiales, además de la posibilidad de deponer a los “técnicos militares” (99).

nin1

Rayado denunciando el secuestro y asesinato de Andreu Nin, líder del POUM.

“Los Amigos de Durruti” también no dudaron en sacar a la luz, la incomoda verdad, de que en las cárceles de la “República Popular” había más revolucionarios (100) que fascistas (101). Hicieron público su rechazo a la censura de la prensa que no era adicta al régimen, y denunciaron la disolución por la fuerza de los órganos embrionarios de poder popular y el fortalecimiento de la institucionalidad burguesa. Fueron los únicos que “planteaban la cuestión del poder proletario, o en lenguaje libertario, la cuestión de la supremacía de la clase obrera en la dirección de la economía, el orden público y la guerra” (102).

Las jornadas de mayo demostraron que “los obreros todavía tenían la capacidad de levantarse contra el Estado (esta vez en su forma democrática), pero ya no podían llevar su lucha hasta el punto de una ruptura abierta” (103). Esta corriente anarquista revolucionara al parecer se articuló demasiado tarde cuando la burocratización ya parecía ser irreversible, y el destino de la revolución parecía ya sellado en manos de la reacción. La “Agrupación los Amigos de Durruti” no pudo crecer ni cuantitativamente, ni en influencia fuera del área de Cataluña, fracasando en esta vital tarea. Le faltó tiempo para convertirse en el necesario punto de convergencia de la dispersa oposición anarquista tanto en la retaguardia, como en el frente, y, por ende, “la militancia de base no había conseguido darse directrices y objetivos inmediatos distintos a los de sus dirigentes, y, por consiguiente, no supo qué camino seguir” (104). En “Los Amigos de Durruti” cristalizó la oposición más coherente al colaboracionismo estatal, que contraponía un programa revolucionario de clase a un programa reformista, no obstante, lamentablemente, “a partir de enero de 1938 fue prácticamente inoperante, porque había sucumbido a los ataques combinados de la represión estalinista y el rechazo de los cenetistas gubernamentales” (105), y al igual que la revolución, paulatinamente comenzó a ser aplastada. Sin embargo, la Agrupación reafirmó la tesis de que “las revoluciones sin una teoría no siguen adelante” (106), la cual implica dos cuestiones esenciales que la clase trabajadora no puede eludir: la afirmación de la necesidad de un programa consecuentemente revolucionario que resuelva el problema del poder y fusiles en manos del proletariado. Sin duda, la historia de este grupo, con todas sus virtudes e imprecisiones, significó un gran aporte en su momento, en la larga y sinuosa tarea de construir el socialismo, pero por sobre todo, en libertad.

 

NOTAS:

(1) Algunos de los documentos que difundió fue el programa de la Internacional y el de la Alianza de la Democracia Socialista (organización secreta fundada por Bakunin). Fanelli era un diputado italiano, por lo que tenía derecho a la gratuidad del desplazamiento en ferrocarriles, facilidad enorme para la propaganda en aquellos tiempos; esa fue la razón principal por la que accedió al cargo. Para más detalles ver: Lorenzo, Anselmo (2005) El proletariado militante. Madrid: Confederación Sindical Solidaridad Obrera.

(2) La opinión negativa que tenían los seguidores de Marx sobre las luchas en la península ibérica, en donde los anarquistas eran fuertes, se puede leer en el famoso folleto de Engels Los bakuninistas en acción.

(3) En 1909 para sofocar un conflicto ocurrido en las cercanías de Melilla (Marruecos Español), el Gobierno intentó movilizar a los licenciados del Ejército, situación que provocó en Cataluña motines espontáneos debido a la impopularidad que tenían las campañas militares en el norte africano. La Organización Sindical “Solidaridad Obrera” llamó al proletariado a una huelga general, en donde se levantaron barricadas y se incendiaron decenas de establecimientos religiosos. Aunque el pedagogo antiautoritario y fundador de la Escuela Moderna, Francisco Ferrer y Guardia no intervino en la revuelta popular, fue acusado de ser instigador de la misma y ejecutado por ello.

(4) Antes de la CNT, habían existido previamente otras expresiones del movimiento obrero de tendencia anarquista en España; la Federación Regional Española (1870-1881), la Federación de Trabajadores de la Región Española (1881-1888), el Pacto de Unión y Solidaridad (1889-1896) y Solidaridad Obrera (1904-1909). En este congreso de constitución existían dos tendencias; una mayoritaria compuesta por sindicalistas revolucionarios y ácratas y otra minoritaria marxista heterodoxa.

(5) En 1888 ya había sido creada por el Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE) la Unión General de Trabajadores (UGT), en la cual los sindicatos estaban organizados por rama industrial. Los anarquistas se habían organizado tradicionalmente en sindicatos por oficio, lo que cambió con el Congreso de Madrid.

(6) Sus principales impulsores fueron el gobernador Martínez Anido y el jefe de la policía coronel Arlegui.

(7) Que eran protegidos por la Iglesia Católica, con el fin de implantar un sindicalismo afín a sus ideas.

(8) Durante el año 1920, más de 300 militantes habían sido asesinados solamente en Barcelona. Entre las figuras más sobresalientes que fueron blanco de los esquiroles armados, destaca Salvador Seguí, “el noi del sucre” –el chico del azúcar-, abatido en un atentado el 10 de marzo de 1923, quien al momento de su muerte era secretario del Comité Nacional de la CNT. Por su parte los anarquistas Torres Escartín y Francisco Ascaso ajusticiaron el 4 de junio de 1923 al arzobispo cardenal de Zaragoza, Juan Soldevila Romero.

(9) Paz, Abel (1996) Durruti en la Revolución española. Madrid: Fundación de Estudios Libertarios Anselmo Lorenzo. P. 93.

(10) “Los Solidarios”, estaba conformado además por los siguientes militantes: Ramona Berni (tejedora), Eusebio Brau (fundidor), Manuel Campos (carpintero), Aurelio Fernández (mecánico), Miguel García Vivancos (mecánico de automóviles), Gregorio Jover (carpintero), Julia López (cocinera), Pepita Not (cocinera), Alfonso Miguel (ebanista), Antonio Ortiz (carpintero), Ricardo Sanz (peón albañil), Gregorio Suberviela (capataz de mina), María Luisa Tejedor (modista), Manuel Torres Escartín (pastelero) y Antonio “el Toto” (peón).

(11) Paz, Abel. Op. Cit., P. 109.

(12) Peirats, José (2009) Los anarquistas en la crisis política española (1869-1939). Buenos Aires: Libros de Anarres. P. 51.

(13) El chófer que iba a participar en la operación los vendió a la policía francesa.

(14) La FAI también estaba también compuesta por anarquistas portugueses, aunque en esencia fue básicamente una organización asentada en España.

(15) Gómez Casas, Juan (2002) Historia de la FAI. Madrid: Fundación Anselmo Lorenzo. P. 125.

(16) Paz, Abel. Op. Cit., P. 201.

(17) Peirats, José. Op. Cit., P. 287.

(18) Peiró es representante de la ortodoxia anarcosindicalista, cercano a Pestaña en muchos puntos, se apartó de él definitivamente cuando éste fundó el Partido Sindicalista. Esto sin embargo no impidió que Peiró defendiera durante la guerra el mando único y el “ejército profesional” y la participación de la CNT en el gobierno republicano. Para profundizar en su trayectoria recomendamos la edición monográfica de la revista madrileña “Anthropos” N° 114 (1990), titulada Joan Peiró, Sindicalismo y anarquismo. Actualidad de una historia.

(19) Pestaña defendía “la neutralidad ideológica del Sindicato, maginando radicalmente los planteamientos ‘faístas’ y sosteniendo el sindicalismo autosuficiente”. Era un férreo opositor a la influencia de la FAI dentro de la CNT. Luego de su expulsión, paradojalmente fundaría un instrumento político emanado del sindicalismo, el “Partido Sindicalista”, el cual sería parte del Frente Popular, convencido de que el parlamento y el Estado eran campos de batalla que no podían ser abandonados a la burguesía y a los “partidos autoritarios”. Pestaña en 1936 fue elegido “diputado anarquista” por Cádiz en las Cortes Generales gracias al apoyo del conglomerado electoral de izquierdas y finalmente retornaría poco antes de su muerte a la CNT en 1937. Para profundizar en esta corriente recomendamos: Equipo El Sindicalista (1974) Movimiento libertario y política. Madrid: Ediciones Júcar.

(20) Esta posición era calificada de “aventurerista” por los sectores reformistas y autodenominados “aliancistas”. A pesar de que ciertamente el análisis de la situación política que realizaba el ala revolucionaria del anarquismo parecía ser más acertado debido al clima de agitación pre revolucionario que se vivía en la Península, tenía varios puntos débiles, entre los que destaca el considerar ingenuamente que la revolución podía ser desencadenada por la acción insurreccional solitaria de los anarquistas sin la cooperación de otras fuerzas del proletariado revolucionario adscritas a otras corrientes, sin la unidad en la lucha, ni la coordinación efectiva entre las distintas minorías revolucionarias, es decir, sin una “vanguardia compartida”.

(21) El texto denunciaba las pretensiones de implicar a la CNT en “gestos” revolucionarios, que eran catalogados de demágogicos, y afirmaba que la CNT se bastaba a sí misma. Planteaban como estrategia la acción dinámica de las masas dentro de contextos históricos determinados y criticaban abiertamente el “golpismo” y la acción aislada de los grupos revolucionarios por muy audaces que estos fueran (es decir, las tácticas “blanquistas”, “foquistas”, “terroristas”, entre otras variantes de “voluntarismo”).

(22) Un grupo de los “sindicatos de oposición” –luego FSL- de Sabadell durante la guerra pasarían a engrosar las filas de la UGT que en Cataluña era controlada por el Partido Socialista Unificado de Cataluña (PSUC) de tendencia estalinista, mientras que otro sector de estos sindicatos reingresaría a la CNT en 1936.

(23) Giráldez Macía, Jesús (2011) Creyeron que éramos rebaño. Santiago de Chile: Quimantú, Zambra y Baladre. P. 66.

(24) Entre ellos se encontraban Buenaventura Durruti y Francisco Ascaso, quienes pese a no haber participado en el movimiento, las autoridades aprovecharon la ocasión para detenerles y sacárselos de encima por un rato.

(25) Paz, Abel. Op. Cit., P. 372.

(26) Paz, Abel. Op. Cit., P. 373.

(27) En Madrid el levantamiento fue sofocado, mientras tanto en Barcelona, Lluís Companys se limitó a exigir la autonomía del país catalán, cuestión que no contagio a nadie salvo a los escasos militantes de los partidos nacionalistas y republicano-catalanistas, quienes al ver el fracaso de su aventura dejaron las armas abandonadas en las calles y alcantarillas, las que fueron recuperadas por los obreros “cenetistas”, quienes las sacarían nuevamente a relucir el 19 de julio de 1936. Tanto en Andalucía como en toda Cataluña, los anarquistas prácticamente “no se movieron”, debido a la profunda división, desconfianza y tensiones presentes en el movimiento obrero, promovida por la dirección socialista y los partidos republicanos de izquierda.

(28) 1.335 obreros murieron, 2.951 fueron heridos y una cifra indeterminada se exiliaron o huyeron a las montañas, mientras que unos 30.000 fueron tomados prisioneros.

(29) Lo que se conoce en jerga política de izquierda como “entrismo”.

(30) Nin, Andreu (1978) Por la unificación marxista. Madrid: Castellote Editor. P. 18.

(31) La III Internacional –estalinista-, promovió en los países democráticos la conformación de alianzas electorales, que denominaron “Frentes Populares”, en donde los Partidos Comunistas debían realizar alianzas policlasistas con corrientes liberales y pequeño-burguesas. Giro en 180° de la anterior estrategia ultraizquierdista de “Clase contra Clase” y del “Socialfascismo”, que no diferenciaba a la socialdemocracia del fascismo, y que en Alemania fue desastrosa, permitiendo sin luchar la llegada al poder de los Nazis. El Partido Comunista Español (PCE) y su posterior filial catalana el PSUC, en sus programas no buscaban implantar la revolución social, sino la constitución de una simple república democrática parlamentaria, la cual consideran era la etapa adecuada a la cual había que llegar en el contexto español.

(32) El Frente Popular estaba compuesto por la Izquierda Republicana, la Unión Republicana, el Partido Socialista Obrero Español, la Unión General de Trabajadores (UGT), el Partido Comunista Español, el Partido Sindicalista y el POUM.

(33) Paz, Abel. Op. Cit., P. 443.

(34) El anarquismo “tradicionalmente” se ha opuesto a la participación electoral de los revolucionarios. Pero, tal como señala el compañero José Antonio Gutiérrez Danton “Sin embargo, ha habido ocasiones excepcionales en las cuales los anarquistas han promovido candidaturas o participado en elecciones. Se cita frecuentemente el caso de las elecciones en España en 1936, pero hay más casos, como algunas candidaturas de “protesta” levantadas en Italia o Francia a fines de la década de 1870 y comienzos de 1880 (táctica defendida por Carlo Cafiero en su famoso artículo “La Acción” donde se define también la “propaganda por el hecho”). En el contexto represivo que envolvió a Europa después de la represión de la Comuna de París, Bakunin recomendaba a algunos de sus seguidores en Italia participar en plataformas electorales junto a los socialistas reformistas. También la FCL francesa participó, en medio de la paralizante represión en la Francia de mediados de los ’50, en guerra contra los secesionistas argelinos, en elecciones locales (hecho que el mismo Georges Fontenis, principal dirigente de esa agrupación, reconocería más tarde como un error)” (http://www.anarkismo.net/article/26576). En España se trató de una de estas ocasiones excepcionales, en donde los miles de presos políticos y la inminente implantación del fascismo, llevaron a muchísimos libertarios a votar optando por el “mal menor”, sin muchas ilusiones, teniendo claro que lo primordial y urgente era impulsar la autodefensa obrera desde las bases frente al inminente golpe fascista.

(35) No obstante, se dejó fuera de la amnistía a los presos por expropiaciones, tenencia de armas y de explosivos, y a los desertores del ejército.

(36) Ianni, Valeria (2008) Guerra y Revolución en España. Ciudad de México: Ocean Sur. P. 44.

(37) Peirats, José. Op. Cit., P. 115.

(38) Paz, Abel. Op. Cit., P. 449.

(39) Amorós, Miguel (2003) La Revolución Traicionada. La verdadera historia de Balius y Los Amigos de Durruti. Barcelona: Virus. P. 96.

(40) En otros lugares todo fue más confuso; en Valencia por ejemplo debido a la indecisión del Gobierno de la República, se tardó 15 días en derrotar a los militares, lo cual fue obra fundamentalmente de los anarquistas. De todas formas, para el 20 de julio se podía considerar como fracasado el movimiento de los nacionales, ya que en más de la mitad del territorio español, y en donde existía mayor población y recursos, habían sido derrotados militarme.

(41) Quienes salieron masivamente a luchar fueron los obreros de la CNT-FAI, a los cuales se les unieron grupos del POUM, activistas de los sectores de izquierda de la UGT y luego un núcleo de militantes de la Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya. Llevados por los acontecimientos los Guardias de Asalto se sumaron a la acción popular, mientras tanto, la Guardia Civil se mantuvo “neutral”, hasta que cuando ya se encontraba la balanza inclinada hacia el proletariado, decidió en su gran mayoría “sumarse” a la lucha contra los facciosos. Sólo un puñado de militares se mantuvieron fieles a la República y lucharon ese día en las calles de Barcelona, los cuales  estaban en estrecha relación con los dirigentes de la CNT; su ayuda sin duda fue importante. Estos oficiales estaban asentados especialmente en Atarazanas y en la Aviación de El Prat.

(42) Las bajas en las filas del proletariado ascendieron a cerca de 450 muertos (la mayoría cenetistas) y miles de heridos. En el asalto al Cuartel de Atarazanas cae muerto de un disparo en la frente, debido a una imprudencia, el destacado militante anarquista Francisco Ascaso.

(43) El triunfo militar en Barcelona no fue algo “espontáneo”, eso es un mito que hay que derribar. Todo respondió a un minucioso plan de acción llevado adelante por los “Comités de Defensa”, que funcionaban desde 1933 y que en Barcelona el 19 de julio de 1936 encuadraban a 20.000 militantes. Cada cédula básica de esta estructura militar clandestina estaba compuesta por 6 miembros, en base a una distribución territorial, por barrios. Este modelo fue propuesto por el grupo “Nosotros” para ser implementado en toda España, como embrión del Ejército Revolucionario del proletariado, pero fue tachado de “autoritario” y “bolchevique” por la dirección de la CNT-FAI, y por lo tanto desechado. La convicción, a partir de la experiencia histórica, de que la insurrección no se improvisa, sino que se organiza, permitió que el entusiasmo popular fuera dinamizado por esta estructura de combate que permitió a la clase obrera en Barcelona vencer al enemigo de forma inapelable. Cuestión que no ocurrió en otros lugares de España. Para más detalles revisar: Guillamón, Agustín (2013) Los Comités de Defensa de la CNT en Barcelona (1933-1938). Barcelona: Aldarull Edicions. Cuarta Edición.

(44) Para ver detalles de la pugna entre el PSUC y la CNT, que derivó en la “Guerra del Pan”, es decir en la batalla por el control del abastecimiento en la urbe catalana, revisar: Guillamón, Agustín (2015) La guerra del pan. Hambre y violencia en la Barcelona revolucionaria. Barcelona: Aldarull Edicions y Dskntrl_Ed.

(45) Fontenis, Georges (2010) El mensaje revolucionario de los “Amigos de Durruti”. Santiago de Chile: La Pajarilla. P. 15.

(46) Mintz, Frank (2009) Autogestión y Anarcosindicalismo en la España Revolucionaria. Buenos Aires: Libros de Anarres. P. 47.

(47) La acción de la “Columna Durruti” en Aragón y sobre todo de la “Columna de Hierro” en el Frente de Teruel,  son ilustrativos ejemplos de esto.

(48) Sin embargo, este organismo también estaba compuesto por partidos del Frente Popular, aunque los libertarios eran mayoritarios.

(49) Estaba compuesto por delegados pertenecientes sólo de la CNT y de la UGT, “no había gente de partidos”.

(50) Amorós, Miguel (2013) José Pellicer, el anarquista íntegro. Vida, obra y muerte del fundador de la heroica Columna de Hierro. Santiago de Chile: Sin Nombre. P. 259.

(51) Souchy Bauer, Agustín (2005) Entre los campesinos de Aragón, el comunismo libertario en las comarcas liberadas. Buenos Aires: Tierra del Sur. P. 80.

(52) Dauve, Gilles (2008) Cuando las insurrecciones mueren. Rosario: Mariposas del Caos. P. 25.

(53) Era un órgano híbrido de colaboración democrático-burgués, que nunca buscó convertirse en un embrión de poder dual, a lo más, concentró una duplicidad de poderes que compartía con la Generalitat de Catalunya, a la cual nunca enfrentó. En Valencia se constituyó un organismo de composición similar denominado “Comité Ejecutivo Popular” (CEP) y en la capital española “El Consejo de Defensa de Madrid”.

(54) Peirats, José. Op. Cit., P. 123.

(55) Peirats, José. Op. Cit., P. 124.

(56) Como la Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya y Acció Catalana Republicana, partidos de la pequeña y mediana burguesía, quienes serían los mayores perjudicados de producirse una verdadera revolución proletaria en Cataluña, por lo cual desde la posición de poder que les regaló la CNT-FAI hicieron todo lo posible por oponerse a la autogestión. También se encontraba dentro del “Comité Central de Milicias Antifascistas” la Unión de Rabassaires, el cual era un sindicato agrícola dirigido por la Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya.

(57) El Partido Comunista Español era extremadamente pequeño, pero creció rápidamente durante la Revolución. En Cataluña la filial local del PCE, tomó el nombre de Partido Socialista Unificado de Cataluña (PSUC), fruto de la unificación de minúsculos partidos locales; el Partido Comunista de Catalunya (PCC), la Federación Catalana del PSOE, la Unió Socialista de Catalunya (USC) y el Partit Català Proletari (PCP). El PSUC debido a su respeto a la propiedad privada, canalizaría a las fuerzas dispersas de la pequeña burguesía. En Cataluña, a los presos fascistas se les daban facilidades para salir de la cárcel siempre y cuando aceptaran militar en el PSUC.

(58) Amorós, Miguel (2013). Op. Cit., P. 148.

(59) Amorós, Miguel (2013). Op. Cit., P. 97.

(60) La demagógica afirmación “renunciamos a todo, menos a la victoria”, llegó a ser la consigna que justificó el abandono de todas las conquistas revolucionarias en aras de ganar la guerra a los fascistas. Esta frase que utilizaron todas las fuerzas republicanas en sus discursos (incluida la CNT-FAI-FIJL), fue maliciosamente atribuida a Durruti, quien nunca la pronunció. La verdad, es que este eslogan fue creado por Ilya Ehrenburg (corresponsal soviético del periódico “Izvestia”) y respaldado después por la burocracia de los comités superiores del movimiento libertario.

(61) Guillamón, Agustín (2013) Barricadas en Barcelona. Rosario: Lazo Negro Ediciones. P. 55.

(62) Algunos consideramos que la inexistencia de una organización política específica anarquista que mediara entre la teoría y la realidad concreta, fuertemente arraigada en las masas y que actuara coordinadamente en su interior, estructurada en base a la democracia directa, con un programa riguroso y en ruptura con el orden burgués, es un elemento más que explica el porque de la temprana capitulación de las y los anarquistas españoles de la línea y los principios que históricamente habían defendido. Tal y como según Makhno ocurrió en el caso de la revolución rusa, con la agravante con que en España el anarquismo fue hasta el inicio de la guerra/revolución la fuerza de intención revolucionaria predominante, no así en Rusia, donde era prácticamente marginal, a excepción de Ucrania. Por otra parte, la FAI, no funcionó nunca como una organización partidaria, sino como una coordinación de grupos de afinidad que se preocupó básicamente de mantener la hegemonía de la ideología anarquista dentro de la CNT, objetivo que tampoco logró conseguir, ya que fue arrastrada a la política de colaboración de clases al igual que el grueso del movimiento libertario español.

(63) Magnus Enzensberger, Hans (1998) El corto verano de la anarquía, vida y muerte de Durruti. Barcelona: Anagrama. P. 212.

(64) Paz, Abel. Op. Cit., P. 597.

(65) Sin embargo, la política de no intervención sólo perjudicó al “bando republicano”, ya que los nacionales sublevados recibieron la poderosa ayuda militar de las potencias del “eje” Nazi-Fascista: 30.000 soldados alemanes (entre ellos del grupo de elite de la “legión cóndor” que bombardeó Guernica causando más de 2000 víctimas) y 120.000 soldados Italianos. Para “luchar por la República” llegaron 40.000 voluntarios organizados en las “Brigadas Internacionales”. Sólo el gobierno mexicano envió cierta ayuda a la República y la URSS, ésta última, condicionándola siempre a sus intereses particulares en España.

(66) Las armas eran repartidas obviamente preferentemente entre los comunistas.

(67) Gracias a esto se edificó un Ejército instrumentalizado por los comunistas que sólo sirvió para perder la guerra. La guerra ya no era concebida como una “revolución obrera y campesina”, sino como una “guerra de liberación nacional”, tal y como lo teorizaban los estalinistas, lo cual generó una gran desmoralización entre las masas proletarias que se habían alistado voluntariamente en las milicias. Miles de milicianos revolucionarios fueron apartados de los frentes de combate luego de la militarización, las pocas armas que había se distribuían según conveniencias políticas y los escasos militares profesionales con que contaba el Ejército Popular a la primera oportunidad que tenían se pasaban al bando enemigo.

(68) Los Ministros serían los siguientes: los “faístas” Joan García Oliver (Justicia), Federica Montseny (Sanidad), y los “treintistas” Juan López (Comercio) y Juan Peiró (Industria). Esta “táctica” fue negociada con Largo Caballero, a titulo personal, sin consultar a nadie, por Horacio Martínez Prieto. Este militante luego intentaría transformar a la FAI en el “Partido Libertario” (que no tiene nada que ver con la concepción de “partido” defendida por los exiliados rusos que redactaron la “plataforma”), el cual debería utilizar a la CNT como patio trasero, correa de trasmisión y trampolín electoral, a imagen y semejanza de lo que siempre hizo el PSOE con la UGT, idea que finalmente solo fue acuñada por una pequeña minoría quedando rápidamente en el olvido.

(69) Peirats, José. Op. Cit., P. 223.

(70) Guillamón, Agustín. Op. Cit., P. 54.

(71) Amorós, Miguel (2003). Op. Cit., P. 116.

(72) Guillamón, Agustín. Op. Cit.,  P. 67.

(73) Sin embargo, antes habían ocurrido otros choques violentos en el “bando antifascista”. Por ejemplo, la “Columna de Hierro”, cuyo delegado fue el coherente e íntegro anarquista José Pellicer, en varias ocasiones en la retaguardia del frente de Teruel, se enfrentó con los parásitos que saboteaban la revolución social, auxilió a las colectividades campesinas que eras acosadas por los guardias de asalto republicanos, y desarmó a policías y guardias para llevar armas al frente. Para conocer en detalle la acción de esta columna, recomendamos: Manzanera, Elías (2012) Documento histórico de la Columna de Hierro. Castellón: Ediciones Octubre del 36. “Ruta” el órgano de las Juventudes Libertarias catalanas, al igual que el periódico de los exiliados italianos “Guerra di Classe” también manifestaron sus críticas hacia la línea de acción que estaba implementando el movimiento libertario.

(74) Las Juventudes Libertarias se propagaron por todo el territorio español republicano y realizaron su primer Congreso Nacional en Madrid en 1932, en donde acordaron constituirse como organización peninsular y adoptar la denominación de Federación Ibérica de Juventudes Libertarias. En marzo de 1937 contaban con unos 80.000 miembros.

(75) Este pequeño grupo estaba adherido a la IV Internacional. Estaba conformado por una minoría trotskista procedente de la ex Izquierda Comunista Española y voluntarios internacionales. Pidieron afiliación dentro del POUM como fracción lo cual fue rechazado, ingresando de manera individual dentro de este partido muchos de sus militantes, los cuales luego serían expulsados el 5 de abril de 1937. Su principal animador fue Manuel Fernández Grandizo (Grandizo Munis). Un interesante análisis de la guerra civil española se encuentra en el libro de Munis; Jalones de derrota, promesas de victoria, crítica y teoría de la revolución española: 1930-1939.

(76) Fontenis, Georges. Op. Cit., P. 4.

(77) Ianni, Valeria. Op. Cit., P. 100.

(78) Muchos de los presos revolucionarios se encontraban en cárceles ilegales controladas por los estalinistas, en donde eran salvajemente torturados y luego hechos desaparecer. El resto se encontraba en los penales oficiales, y sin embargo, pese al acuerdo alcanzado, algunos fueron procesados por el delito de “rebelión militar” y muchos dejados en prisión junto a los fascistas a título de “presos gubernativos”.

(79) Entre los fallecidos, destacan Domingo Ascaso (hermano del mítico Francisco, miembro de “Los Solidarios” y “Nosotros”) y la nieta de Francisco Ferrer y Guardia quien era miliciana de la “Columna Durruti”. Los cuerpos sin vida del anarquista italiano y editor del periódico “Guerra di Classe” Camillo Berneri y su camarada Barbieri aparecieron tirados en la calle, según Fontenis, existen sólidas razones para creer que fueron asesinados por ultra derechistas catalanes vinculados a los fascistas italianos (según documentos de la policía secreta italiana descubiertos después de la caída de Mussolini). En junio de 1937 es detenida la junta directiva del POUM acusados de “trotskistas”, y su líder, Andreu Nin es también asesinado.

(80) Orwell, George (1985) Homenaje a Cataluña. Barcelona. Seix Barral. P. 156

(81) Primo de Francisco y Domingo Ascaso.

(82) En el nuevo Ejército Republicano, existen salarios diferenciados exorbitantes entre soldados rasos y oficiales (7 pesetas para los primeros y 100 para los segundos), se restablecen los distintivos, los castigos, el código militar, los saludos marciales y la disciplina de cuartel.

(83) Para revisar los pormenores de la sistemática represión estalinista, en particular contra la SBLE y el POUM, ver: Guillamón, Agustín (2013) El terror estalinista en Barcelona 1938. Barcelona: Aldarull Edicions y Dskntrl_Ed.

(84) Amorós, Miguel (2003). Op. Cit., P. 150.

(85) En especial miembros de la IV Agrupación de Gelsa y del Grupo Internacional de la “Columna Durruti”, ya que los responsables de dicha columna (con Durruti ya muerto) habían optado por someterse a la militarización debido a las “circunstancias” apremiantes de la guerra. A esa altura prácticamente todas las columnas de la CNT-FAI habían aceptado la militarización, algunas a regañadientes para no desaparecer diluidas en el Ejército Popular (como la “Columna de Hierro”), y otras sin mayores problemas como ocurrió con las del frente del Centro, cuyo representante más conocido fue Cipriano Mera, el que recibiría el 4 de abril de 1938 el mando del IV Cuerpo del Ejército de la República. En Madrid, en los últimos momentos de la guerra, sofocó una sublevación comunista en alianza con otras fuerzas republicanas, poco antes del desmoronamiento de los frentes. Mera en el exilio fue activo en la organización de los grupos de acción libertarios contra el franquismo, en lo que se conoció con el nombre de “Defensa Interior” (DI), quienes debían asumir tareas revolucionarias, conspirativas y solidarias en territorio español. Para conocer más acerca de su vida militante, ver: Mera, Cipriano (2011) Guerra, exilio y cárcel de un anarcosindicalista. Madrid: Confederación Sindical Solidaridad Obrera y La Malatesta Editorial. Segunda Edición.

(86) Buenaventura Durruti siempre se mostró reticente a la colaboración gubernamental y notó inmediatamente que el Comité Central de Milicias Antifascistas era un órgano burocrático. Criticó además los decretos de militarización y la disciplina de cuartel, afirmando que en las columnas confederales la responsabilidad colectiva e individual era asumida conscientemente. Fue partidario de hacer la guerra y la revolución simultáneamente. Murió en la defensa de Madrid el 19 de noviembre de 1936, específicamente en la Ciudad Universitaria. Su muerte se produjo en circunstancias nunca aclaradas, y existen cerca de 7 versiones contradictorias sobre ella, pero lo más interesante de todo es que murió solo dos semanas después de haber pronunciado por radio un polémico discurso que dividió aguas en el movimiento libertario, en donde defendió sus tesis contra viento y marea, ganándose la censura de la prensa confederal y la simpatía de aquellos que estaban cansados del rumbo que tomaba la revolución y del cual eran responsables los altos jerarcas de la CNT-FAI. En aquel discurso Durruti entre otras cosas dijo; “la guerra que hacemos actualmente sirve para aplastar al enemigo en el frente, pero ¿es éste el único?: no. El enemigo es también aquel que se opone a las conquistas revolucionarias y que se encuentra entre nosotros, y al que aplastaremos igualmente”. Además, de la clásica biografía de Abel Paz, recomendamos leer: Amorós, Miquel (2014) Durruti en el laberinto. Barcelona: Virus Editorial. Segunda Edición.

(87) Magnus Enzensberger, Hans. Op. Cit., P. 213.

(88) Guillamón, Agustín. Op. Cit., P. 125.

(89) Guillamón, Agustín (2013) Los Amigos de Durruti. Historia y antología de textos. Barcelona: Aldarull Edicions y Dskntrl_Ed. P. 10.

(90) Guillamón, Agustín. Op. Cit., P. 127.

(91) Para conocer el detalle de la vida de sus principales animadores, ver: Amorós, Miguel (2014) Los incontrolados de 1937. Barcelona: Barcelona: Aldarull Edicions.

(92) La Agrupación contaba además con la simpatía de militantes destacados como Liberto Callejas, Gregorio Jover, Ponciano Alonso, Chueca, y Máximo Franco.

(93) Fontenis, George. Op. Cit., P. 26.

(94) Sin embargo, hay que destacar que la actuación de la dirección del POUM  no fue mejor que la de la CNT-FAI en el proceso español.

(95) De este periódico se editaron un total de 15 números, entre mayo del ’37 y finales del ’38.

(96) Fontenis, Georges. Op. Cit., P. 26.

(97)  Amorós, Miguel (2003). Op. Cit., P. 245.

(98)  Amorós, Miguel (2003). Op. Cit., P. 187.

(99) Las y los “Durrutistas” estaban a favor de un “mando único colectivo” en la dirección de la guerra. Para un análisis militar interesante respecto al desarrollo de la guerra, recomendamos: Guillén, Abraham (2012) El error político militar de la República. Madrid: Queimada Ediciones. En este libro, el “teórico de la guerrilla urbana”, plantea la tesis de que la guerra se podría haber ganado, pero que se cometió el grave error de combatir a un ejército profesional con otro ejército convencional, abandonando la táctica guerrillera y la lucha prolongada en el tiempo, como elementos fundamentales; provocando sabotajes en la infraestructura de la retaguardia enemiga y ganando el apoyo de la población. Además, critica la inoperancia de la marina republicana que no cortó el paso al desembarco de los fascistas desde África, el error político de la república al no declarar la independencia de Marruecos –que hubiese abierto otro frente en la retaguardia de los golpistas-, el regalar territorios estratégicos sin luchar decididamente (Asturias y el País vasco, en el norte de España), y sobre todo, el oponer de manera frontal –literalmente- un aparato militar a otro aparato militar con mayor experiencia.

(100) En 1938 había cerca de 15.000 revolucionarios en las cárceles de la República.

(101) Las dos encarcelaciones de Jaime Balius, editor del periódico “El Amigo del Pueblo”, fueron silenciadas incluso por la prensa confederal.

(102) Amorós, Miguel (2014) Los incontrolados de 1937. Barcelona: Barcelona: Aldarull Edicions. P. 18.

(103) Dauve, Gilles. Op. Cit., P. 18.

(104) Amorós, Miguel (2003). Op. Cit., P. 355.

(105) Guillamón, Agustín. Op. Cit., P. 58.

(106) Fontenis, Georges. Op. Cit., P. 55.

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