Resistencia femenina y prisión política en dictadura: “Te pegaban por puta, por mala madre, por andar metida en cosas de hombres”

Presentamos la investigación realizada por Hillary Hiner que rescata las historias orales de las presas políticas de Chile. Un registro que se ha logrado gracias a la influencia del feminismo para demostrar la solidaridad, coraje y sobrevivencia en medio de la oscuridad.

Ilustración: Pablo Ignacio Mozó

“Patricia Herrera fue detenida el 27 de junio de 1974, tenía 20 años y era estudiante universitaria. Pasó por los centros clandestinos de detención Londres 38, Cuatro Álamos y Tres Álamos en Santiago, lugares donde fue brutalmente torturada, y posteriormente fue forzada a salir al exilio. El 10 de diciembre de 2010, Herrera, con la organización feminista Humanas, presentó una querella por tortura sexual, el primero de su tipo en Chile”.

La investigadora Hillary Hiner de la Universidad Diego Portales es la autora de Fue bonita la solidaridad entre mujeres: género, resistencia,  y prisión política en Chile durante la dictadura. Un trabajo que rescata valientes testimonios para demostrar que la tortura  fue “generizada y sexualizada”.

Para la autora, el secuestro, la tortura y la desaparición forzada tenían como objetivo desarticular la organización e infundir el terror para implantar un nuevo modelo socio político, pero también a través del shock se buscaba resguardar los valores hetero-patriarcales de Dios, familia y patria, para refundar la nación a través de la buena crianza de los niños dentro de la familia tradicional y cristiana.

Esta reconstrucción histórica no ha sido fácil debido a que los informes de las comisiones de la verdad blanqueaban el factor político y de género, “ya que en las narrativas se refieren a hombres como las principales víctimas o a lo universal de las víctimas; en ambos casos se excluye, de entrada, las experiencias de las mujeres presas y el análisis de género”, sostiene Hiner.

Las mujeres, la política y la familia en la UP

Las mujeres jugaron un rol activo y diverso en las organizaciones de los años setenta. Las de clase alta, por ejemplo, tuvieron una participación marcada por la oposición al gobierno de la Unidad Popular a través del Partido Demócrata Cristiano, “este tipo de movilización política tendía a resaltar el lugar de la mujer como buena madre-esposa cristiana dentro de la familia para movilizarla como opositora”, sostiene Hiner. Por su parte, las mujeres de izquierda jugaron roles diversos –pero casi siempre enunciado y entendido desde el prisma de lo “femenino”–, en partidos políticos, grupos armados, organizaciones territoriales, centros de madres, y sindicatos de campesinos y obreros.

Y es que para la izquierda chilena desde principios del siglo XX, el énfasis estaba puesto en  conseguir un “sueldo familiar” y proteger a la mujer del trabajo  “reasignándola al lugar natural del hogar y la crianza de los hijos”, por tanto, no existió conciencia en que las mujeres dentro de la casa también podían ser reprimidas, y menos respecto al valor del trabajo no remunerado ellas dentro del hogar.

La investigación deja en evidencia que dentro de la UP no existió un cuestionamiento al orden tradicional de la familia y al rol de la mujer dentro de ella, por el contrario, la mujer y el hombre eran “complementarios”, con roles específicos de género dentro del proyecto socialista. “La mujer debía aportar al socialismo, a través de su rol de buena madre – educando a futuras generaciones socialistas – y buena esposa – apoyando a su marido obrero en la casa”.

En los años setenta  el conservadurismo en temas de género en Chile marcaba la pauta, y se debía al peso sociocultural combinado de la Iglesia Católica, la moralidad paternalista del Estado, y los valores burgueses de las familias “bien constituidas”. “Ni hablar de las mujeres lesbianas o trans, cuyas identidades fueron frecuentemente vividas, si es que podían ser vividas, con altos grados de clandestinidad por la violencia y la discriminación cotidiana que enfrentaban”, aclara Hillary Hiner.

La violencia sexualizada y generizada en dictadura

Para las mujeres de izquierda el 11 de septiembre de 1973 significó una gran ruptura en sus vidas. “El gobierno de Pinochet fue estructurado sobre patrones de género que valoraban el rol tradicional de la madre-esposa como cuidadora de las próximas generaciones, y, por tanto, del proyecto de nación. Este mismo constructo discursivo conservador sobre la mujer fue llevado a la práctica dentro de la represión ejercida por los agentes del estado en distintos contextos – en la casa durante un allanamiento, en la calle durante una protesta, en la comisaría después de un arresto, o en los centros clandestinos de detención”, aclara Hiner.

Esta política se tradujo en los centros de detención en una profunda violencia de género, ya que las mujeres fueron castigadas y torturadas no sólo por ser sospechosas de “terrorismo”, sino también, por “haber transgredido las fronteras aceptables de género y nación según el discurso dictatorial”. Además, tanto para las mujeres como para los hombres, la violencia sexual fue utilizada para humillar y “quebrar” (o “ablandar”) a los prisioneros dentro y fuera de la sala de tortura; “en el caso de las mujeres, esta violencia fue tan común y corriente que llegó a ser considerada espantosamente rutinaria. Necesidades cotidianas, como ir al baño o lavarse, fueron frecuentemente aprovechadas por los guardias y los soldados para cometer abusos sexuales.”, sostiene Hiner.

Pero en medio de la represión, existieron actos de gran relevancia entre las detenidas que buscaban fortalecer el autocuidado, proteger a las mujeres enfermas, ancianas y embarazadas; pero también potenció el desarrollo de organización para mejorar sus condiciones en cautiverio e iniciar las primeras denuncias a violaciones de derechos humanos.

“Yo siempre encuentro que entre las presas hubo mucha solidaridad, mucho afecto. Cuando me traían de la pieza de tortura, siempre las compañeras al lado, hacernos cariño, a preguntar si necesitaba algo, qué me dolía, y ese efecto ese amor de unas con otras, es muy importante.” Holzapfel, Colección Archivo Oral de Villa Grimaldi.

En este contexto adverso, también se desarrollaron aproximaciones al feminismo. De acuerdo a los testimonios, la cárcel o el exilio impulsaron a las mujeres a analizar su militancia, las relaciones de pareja y la familia desde una mirada feminista.

“Y bueno lo otro era las horas de estudio individual y las horas de discusión colectiva, tanto discusión política como de los temas que empezaban a ser… algo que fue muy importante para nosotras, que fue todos los temas feministas: teoría, bueno, lo que podíamos más de la teoría” Arinda Ojeda, Concepción, 2013.

Los testimonios también demuestran un componente importante fue el “castigo” que los torturadores infringían a las mujeres por “abandonar a sus hijos” o por participar  en la política, “asumiendo que tenía que ser por algún hombre”. Para Hiner, “Al recordar los discursos de sus represores, muchas mujeres destacaban no sólo la crueldad, sino también su evidente machismo.” “Te pegaban por puta, por mala madre, por andar metida en cosas de hombres”, señala Arinda Ojeda.

Las instancias de resistencia, individual y colectiva que llevaron a cabo las mujeres, han sido minimizadas en la mayoría de los textos que tratan los temas de la prisión política y la tortura. Sin embargo, fue bajo el impulso del feminismo de los años ochenta que se inició un camino para visibilizar la violencia sexual política en dictadura, y dar a conocer así las memorias fragmentadas de mujeres sobrevivientes y dejar un fuerte testimonio de denuncia.

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