“Violaciones no violentas”: otra de las sutilezas metafísicas de la ultraderecha

Pablo Abufom S.

En pleno debate sobre el tímido proyecto que despenaliza el aborto en Chile en solo tres causales, la diputada Marisol Turres (UDI) tuvo el coraje de decir la verdad: “Hay violaciones violentas y violaciones no violentas”. Como suele suceder con la ultraderecha, sus militantes no saben lo que hacen, y tenemos que encontrar la verdad de sus palabras entre líneas.

La mayoría de los parlamentarios que se oponen a que las mujeres decidan sobre sus cuerpos en un marco garantizado de derechos sexuales suelen utilizar argumentos religiosos y/o morales para justificar sus posiciones. La dignidad humana entregada por un ser divino o la bendición, igualmente divina, de ser madre, constituyen para ellos argumentos suficientes para condenar indirectamente a cientos de miles de mujeres al año al riesgo físico, psicológico y social del aborto clandestino y en pésimas condiciones. Uno podría creerles que basan sus argumentos en creencias religiosas, pero el debate quedaría cerrado. Como bien decía Tertuliano, “se cree precisamente porque es absurdo”, es decir, los argumentos religiosos no se basan en razones, sino en un profundo compromiso con la sinrazón. Tratar de argumentar contra dichas creencias es, la mayor parte del tiempo, una pérdida de tiempo.

Pero no estamos obligados a pensar que la opción moral por el aborto clandestino que toman los y las parlamentarias que se oponen al aborto legal se base en creencias religiosas. No tenemos que argumentar contra las creencias mismas, sino contra aquello que las sustenta. Y si leemos entre líneas, encontramos que ese enfoque mal llamado “pro-vida” se fundamenta en una determinada posición de clase, en un compromiso íntimo con el patriarcado y en una forma muy específica de política sexual. Si queremos articular una posición antipatriarcal sobre el aborto, eso es lo que tenemos que atacar, porque eso es lo que conecta realmente con la experiencia de vida de las mujeres de nuestros pueblos. Todo lo demás queda dentro del ámbito de la superstición cristiana.

En primer lugar, las campañas mediáticas y políticas contra el aborto surgen fundamentalmente de sectores conservadores de las clases dominantes, en especial de los representantes de la burguesía tradicional, a pesar de que puedan recoger el apoyo pasivo de algunos sectores populares, sobre todo aquellos vinculados a las diversas sectas cristianas (católica y evangélicas). Son impulsadas por los viejos apellidos, las nuevas casas empresariales y la juventud de la derecha. Son amplificadas hasta el hartazgo por los medios de comunicación controlados por la misma clase. Reflejan de manera implícita una necesidad fundamental de la clase económicamente dominante: mantener el control sobre la reproducción biológica de la clase explotada. Este control se ejerce a través de mecanismos estatales como la legislación anti-aborto o un sistema público de salud que, normalmente y no de manera excepcional, funciona para producir y afirmar una posición socialmente subordinada en la clase trabajadora. A la explotación de la fuerza de trabajo la acompaña un control de las condiciones en las cuales se reproduce esa fuerza, por la vía de la represión o la planificación desde el Estado.

Por otro lado, las posiciones de la ultraderecha se sustentan en un compromiso con el patriarcado como forma de organizar las relaciones sociales (específicamente en el ámbito general de la sexualidad) a través de instituciones como la familia, que socializa a sus miembros en el modo de vida y la ideología de género dominante. En Chile, el patriarcado se expresa también en la maternidad obligatoria, es decir, en la serie de prácticas sociales que definen a la mujer como madre, primero y sobre todo, castigando socialmente a cualquier mujer que no asuma su rol reproductivo. El patriarcado también ejerce su dominio en la educación: a nivel pre-escolar, escolar y universitario la educación chilena es tremendamente sexista, puesto que establece desigualdades de género con respecto a las habilidades y aptitudes, y distingue entre hombres y mujeres a la hora de valorar oficios y profesiones. Chile tiene, además, una tasa alarmante de femicidios, una de las formas más brutales de la violencia sexual cotidiana: morir asesinada por el hecho de ser mujer. Ni hablar de que las mujeres en Chile reciben un salario inferior al de los hombres con el mismo empleo (un fenómeno que a su vez permite mantener una presión sobre los salarios de los varones), los derechos restringidos para mujeres “en edad fértil” discriminadas en el sistema de salud, el hecho de que las tareas de crianza y cuidado son casi exclusivamente femeninas, o la exclusión de las mujeres del espacio público por la vía del acoso callejero y otras vejaciones silenciosas, todas formas concretas en las que se expresa el patriarcado. Los sectores que defienden la vida en abstracto adoptan posiciones conservadoras ante estas situaciones, que afectan de manera más patente a las mujeres de la clase trabajadora, revelando que lo que defienden es un sistema de privilegios sociales y sexuales, más que cualquier otro valor.

Finalmente, en Chile el conjunto de las decisiones sobre los derechos sexuales reproductivos y no reproductivos son recluidas en el ámbito de las instituciones del Estado, excluyendo a las mujeres trabajadoras, pobladoras y estudiantes de la soberanía individual y colectiva sobre sus cuerpos. Los y las representantes de la burguesía en el parlamento, los servicios públicos y los municipios se exaltan cada vez que se plantea la posibilidad de que no sean suyas esas decisiones. Por eso es que vemos desfilar a hombres y mujeres de la Alianza y la Nueva Mayoría, junto al habitual séquito de jerarcas y peones de las iglesias, ante comisiones y cámaras del Congreso, reafirmando el rol patriarcal del Estado, que debe asegurar la íntima comunión de intereses entre el capital y los gobiernos locales, regionales y nacionales. Esa política sexual basada en la exclusión de los sectores populares no es un accidente: es la forma en la que se aseguran los privilegios patriarcales y se perfecciona la explotación de la fuerza de trabajo. La radical oposición a la despenalización del aborto por parte de los sectores conservadores es su cara más evidente, pero también debemos identificar a quienes, desde sectores progresistas en el discurso, restringen las discusiones y decisiones sobre política sexual al parlamento y otras instituciones del Estado.

Lo peor de la noticia de ayer es que la diputada Turres tiene razón, sólo que no lo sabe. No todas las violaciones son como nos las enseñan los noticieros. No todas las violaciones son penetraciones forzadas a golpes en un sitio eriazo por un psicópata marginal. También se viola dentro del matrimonio, dentro del pololeo, dentro de la familia. También se viola en los carretes, en los viajes de estudio, y en los paseos de la pega. Eso no significa que no se violente “la dignidad”, como sugiere Turres, eso no significa que no sea violación. Significa que la violencia sexual adquiere diversas formas, algunas que incluso no dejan moretones, tajos o quemaduras.

Uno de los logros del patriarcado moderno es invisibilizar la violencia sexual mediante dispositivos sofisticados en la percepción y el lenguaje. Éste es un ámbito que debemos problematizar y disputar, junto con una especificación del marco legal de la violencia sexual. Debemos combatir contra el patriarcado, en todos los frentes, no como testimonio de una lucha contra todas las opresiones, sino porque la opresión patriarcal es uno de los mejores aliados de la dictadura del capital sobre el pueblo trabajador.

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