Syriza: terremoto en Europa

Mientras la mayoría de los medios latinoamericanos estaban demasiado ocupados con la nueva Miss Universo, el fútbol u otras frivolidades, un remezón telúrico sacudía a Europa: la arrolladora victoria electoral de Syriza en los comicios de ayer domingo en Grecia. Esta victoria viene de la mano de su promesa de luchar contra la austeridad impuesta en medio de la crisis económica europea: restablecimiento del salario mínimo, salud, reconectar los servicios a los desconectados, supeditar el pago de la deuda a las necesidades populares. En pocas palabras, expresa ante todo el sentimiento mayoritario de rechazo del pueblo griego en contra del traspaso de las deudas de los ricos al pueblo. Pero también expresa un deseo de renovación de la política, en sintonía con esa “indignación” que recorre a la juventud en gran parte del mundo, cansada de la cleptocracia reinante, de la corrupción institucional, de la política elitista en beneficio exclusivo del 1% de los súper-ricos. Juventud que tampoco se siente representada en una izquierda anquilosada, con dirigentes centenarios eternizados en sus cargos, que aunque ocasionalmente tenga rostro joven tiene el corazón viejo, cuyas prácticas, al final de cuentas, no difieren tanto de la politiquería tradicional.

Este sentir se impuso en los comicios griegos pese a los vaticinios apocalípticos de las elites europeas y griegas. No hay nada muy radical de por sí en las propuestas de Syriza, pero en el actual contexto europeo, donde alza nuevamente su fétida cabeza la derecha proto-fascista, donde los tecnócratas se han comido a los reformadores, en la cual derecha y social-democracia forman un consenso indistinguible en torno al modelo de primacía del gran Capital, cualquier voz disonante causa físico pánico a los magnates que manejan los hilos del poder. Cualquier promesa de reforma, o aún de protección de los intereses populares, les suena, como diría un deslucido cacique colombiano, a puro “castro-chavismo”.

El derrotado primer ministro Antonis Samaras, dejó muy en claro cuál es la agenda del gran capital financiero en sus palabras de despedida: “Hoy dejo un país que sale de la crisis, miembro de la UE y del euro. Deseo que el próximo gobierno mantenga estos éxitos”. Resumiendo, que no se toque la austeridad, ni al modelo económico ni la Europa del Capital. Jens Weidmann, presidente del Bundesbank (Banco Central Alemán) fue más amenazante, afirmando que esperaba que el nuevo gobierno “no haga promesas ilusorias que el país no se puede permitir”. Los banqueros pueden hablar más directamente que los políticos, pues al final son ellos los jefes. Con estas palabras, señalaba el pánico de los grandes Capitales a la distribución de la riqueza que ya están presintiendo si Syriza es medianamente serio en cumplir sus promesas electorales.

Lo que realmente da pánico, en el fondo, a los súper-ricos de Europa no es tanto Syriza en sí, sino a lo que puede venir detrás de ellos. Los grandes capitalistas de siempre han tenido miedo a las “clases peligrosas”, como llamaban, con un poco más de honestidad, al pueblo en el siglo XIX. Su miedo íntimo es a perder sus privilegios, a perder el poder y saben que perder un poco de poder puede ser el primer paso a perderlo todo. Por eso les tienen miedo a los reformistas que no controlan directamente, por tímidos que éstos sean. Saben, al final de cuentas, que un cambio de gobierno es tan sólo eso, un cambio de gobierno, mientras el Estado que reproduce las reglas del juego en el capitalismo quede intacto. Y cambiar ese edificio hecho a la medida de las necesidades del actual sistema es algo que solamente puede hacer la acción colectiva de un pueblo organizado; saben ellos que son los de abajo los grandes protagonistas de todos esos momentos excepcionales en la historia en que ha habido cambios estructurales y profundos, que llamamos “revoluciones”. Lo que determina el momento político, por más que lo nieguen sus intelectuales a sueldo, es siempre el equilibrio en la lucha de clases, esa eterna lucha entre los privilegiados y el resto de la población, que al final no es más que esa lucha entre explotados y explotadores que adopta diversas manifestaciones en diversos momentos históricos.

Harán todo cuanto esté a su alcance para neutralizar esta amenaza que empieza a agrietar el edificio de la Europa del Capital. No hay que descartar la salida de fuerza, por más que a los liberales eurófilos les parezca descabellado siquiera mencionar esta posibilidad. El golpismo, desde luego, no es patrimonio de países tercermundistas como Haití, Honduras o Paraguay. Grecia tiene una larga historia de Generales encabezando dictaduras. Esos eran otros tiempos, nos dirán. Pues bien, aquí, en la secular y liberal Europa del siglo XXI, también ocurren esa clase de cosas, pero de momento sin fusiles sino mediante la presión de los grupos financieros, como lo demostraron los golpes “financieros” en Italia y Grecia en Noviembre del 2011. Sin necesidad de recurrir (por ahora) a los fusiles, tumbaron a los decadentes jefes de Estado de ambos países para nombrar, a dedo, a sus flamantes sucesores: el italiano Mario Monti y el griego Lucas Papademos. Ambos tecnócratas empedernidos, vinculados al Banco Central Europeo, cuya única función era garantizar la gobernabilidad en medio de la imposición de los planes de austeridad y el desangre de la deuda ilegítima (1).

Los poderes fácticos se pondrán manos a la obra para que el nuevo gobierno griego no escape de su control y cumpla con sus “obligaciones” hacia la Banca europea, etc. Utilizarán, como vulgares gangsters, el chantaje financiero ahora que el segundo rescate de la Unión Europea a Grecia expira a finales de Febrero. Esperan no tener que recurrir a medidas de fuerza, sea de la mano del Ejército o de las bandas fascistas del Amanecer Dorado. Grecia, después de todo, es un país en bancarrota y no debería ser difícil utilizar la disuasión para poner una camisa de fuerza al nuevo gobierno para que sea “responsable”. Y sobre todo, para que no genere expectativas indebidas en la muchedumbre que la pueda volver ingobernable. Aunque muchas veces el propio pueblo no lo sepa, las élites siempre saben la magnitud del poder de un pueblo organizado y sin la intención de doblegarse; son ellos quienes tienen la llave para derrotar la austeridad. No es Syriza la causa del pánico, sino lo que ellos pueden ayudar a desencadenar, consciente o inconscientemente.

Por José Antonio Gutiérrez D.
26 de Enero, 2015

 

(1) Sobre este particular, ver un artículo previo “La Hora de los Banqueros: los límites de la democracia en el proyecto europeo”http://anarkismo.net/article/21113

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