El segundo tiempo del movimiento estudiantil

Con un llamado a la movilización, se ha abierto el segundo tiempo del Movimiento Estudiantil, para este primer año de ofensiva gubernamental ¿Cuánto daño nos ha hecho? ¿Cómo orientamos la respuesta?

Los movimientos del gobierno y la indeterminación del movimiento estudiantil

Conforme a sus objetivos, el gobierno ha logrado avanzar en su agenda reguladora del mercado educativo, buscando sumar apoyo y respaldo ciudadano a la tan bullada reforma educacional. La implementación de la reforma será parcelada, esto con miras a diluir el debate y evitar la discusión de fondo sobre el modelo educativo; discusión peligrosa, ya que  se entrelaza con un cuestionamiento hacia la sociedad mercantil y neoliberal, en la que todos los derechos sociales se encuentran reducidos y limitados. Sin embargo, en tanto iniciativa política, el gobierno ha decidido disputarle al movimiento social su legitimidad “ciudadana”, pasando a la arena mediática con un potente discurso centrado en los principios de la reforma, mientras se entrampa a los actores sociales del mundo educativo en una discusión interna sobre su  participación en los espacios institucionales que ofrece la reforma. Durante este semestre las ambigüedades no las presentó el gobierno, quienes siguen defendiendo el modelo neoliberal de educación apuntando solo a su regulación y maquillado con un discurso social; fue el movimiento estudiantil, quien conducido por nuevas organizaciones políticas de izquierda, aún no ha sido incapaz de salir al paso con sus orientaciones políticas históricas, resultado esto en una mera reactividad a la avanzada de Bachelet y en una escaza convocatoria a nuestros compañeros y compañeras al debate y a la participación en el movimiento estudiantil, debilitándonos como actor mediático y en nuestras bases sociales. Esta indeterminación, cuya responsabilidad también recae en fuerzas políticas que fueron incapaces de implementar su diagnóstico y enfrentar el programa de las fuerzas políticas tradicionales, cayeron en el mismo juego del temor a perder masividad e incidencia, entrampándose en un terreno donde es el gobierno y el empresariado donde se tienen todas las de ganar.

 

Avanzando a construir una ofensiva

Durante la conducción de la Izquierda Autónoma en lo estudiantil, se presentó en el seno del movimiento, la supuesta dicotomía entre una apuesta por la masividad en la movilización, y la apuesta por la radicalidad en la misma. La masividad entendida como un aumento en la participación de las capas medias de la población, acomodando las principales consignas y los métodos de protesta  al “sentido común”, para lograr la integración de dichos sectores a la movilización. Por otra parte, la radicalidad, era reducida a un conjunto de métodos de protesta, clásicos de lo popular, que se veían descartados, por contener un nivel inadecuado de violencia en relación a las clases medias. De forma que el avance hacia una perspectiva clasista del movimiento estudiantil, se veía truncado en pro de conseguir la masividad y el ensanchamiento del apoyo nominal de las clases medias. Lo cual tuvo sus resultados a corto plazo, con un movimiento estudiantil fortalecido en las encuestas, dominando, e incluso dirigiendo la opinión pública. Sin embargo, a mediano plazo, dicho ensanchamiento no se tradujo en ninguna ganada concreta para el estudiantado; ni tampoco para los proyectos que nacieron a partir de ellos con la coordinación con otros sectores de lo social (perteneciente a las clases medias) tales como los intentos por proyectar una “asamblea constituyente” o el tan aclamado “plebiscito por la educación”. Dicha estrategia, no generó una acumulación política importante para el mundo social en general, sino que generó una posterior disgregación y atomización; proceso favorecido por el nefasto ambiente de las elecciones presidenciales.

La alternaestudiantes_21_08_14tiva presentada por las y los libertarios -que creemos debe seguir sosteniéndose- busca superar dicha dicotomía entre masividad y radicalidad. Entendemos que dicha relación dicotómica se encuentra mal planteada, fundamentalmente por la superficialidad con la que son abordados ambos conceptos respecto a sus definiciones, y en cuanto a los actores sociales que involucran. En primer lugar, creemos que la masividad si bien tiene su primera  traducción en la generación de apoyos en torno al movimiento estudiantil, con el objetivo de generar una posición de fuerzas, estos “apoyos” deben superar la simple nominalidad, y/o la mera adscripción a un marco reivindicativo, ya que hemos visto que la posición de fuerza que se genera, es meramente comunicacional y carente de perspectivas a largo plazo. Sabemos que una real posición de fuerzas, implica la generación de apoyos orgánicos; lo que en un mundo social descompuesto como el que enfrentamos, exige redoblar los esfuerzos políticos en la recomposición de cada espacio de construcción. En segundo lugar, la radicalidad debe ser entendida como un avance en la profundización de las perspectivas clasistas del movimiento estudiantil. No como una imposición de los programas clasistas de las diferentes organizaciones políticas que confluyen en este frente, lo que difícilmente podría asegurar una evolución como la que se requiere; si no como un proceso dinámico, que ve su parte medular en un intensa praxis por la constitución de alianzas con otros frentes de construcción popular. Esto también implica un gran esfuerzo teórico, en la síntesis de los aprendizajes construidos conjuntamente, en la generación de nuevos marcos reivindicativos, cuyos niveles de complejidad vayan en aumento. Lo anterior, no busca descartar al concepto de “radicalidad” como se encuentra definido en el movimiento estudiantil, es decir, como un conjunto de métodos de protesta. Este es un aspecto relevante en dicho proceso dinámico, pero debe ser considerado en su correcta dimensión, y no como un aspecto totalizador.

En base a lo anterior, la multisectorialidad, ha sido levantada como un concepto que permite sintetizar la masividad enfocada a los sectores populares, y la radicalidad como un proceso dinámico de síntesis orgánica y política, hacia una profundización del pensamiento clasista en el movimiento estudiantil, y por sobre todo en el movimiento popular. Esta estrategia, resulta la más coherente con el objetivo que nos hemos propuesto; reconstituir el campo popular. El movimiento estudiantil, tiene su rol fundamental de dinamizador de este proceso, y espacio de nucleamiento y fortalecimiento de los sectores populares, en los cuales puede radicar una real posición de fuerzas. Nuestra ofensiva como estudiantes, nunca ha sido sólo nuestra. Nuestra ofensiva se encuentra radicada en una estrategia conjunta de un movimiento popular fuerte, con un marco reivindicativo multisectorial, y gran poder movilizador. Construir una fuerza social que sea capaz de generar desde la movilización ganadas concretas y enfrentar a la institucionalidad política-económica que no ha sido capaz de responder a nuestras demandas; además la profundización de éstas no pasará solamente por generar pisos reivindicativos, sino por darle también un quehacer concreto a nuestros compañeros y compañeras. Comenzar a trabajar en esto, es imperativo no desde ahora, si no hace dos o tres años atrás. Hoy es meritorio cuestionar cual es el rol que ha cumplido nuestro acceso a diversos cargos de representación dentro de lo estudiantil,  y como estos se han traducido en una efectiva acumulación para esta estrategia.

[Publicado en la edición n°24 de Solidaridad]

Por Luna y Ulisses.
Militantes de Estudiantes Revolucionarios Libertarios (ERL)

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