por José Antonio Gutiérrez D.
Los recientes acontecimientos que sacuden a Venezuela reflejan no solamente el nivel de ingerencia que EEUU mantiene en la región o la tendencia golpista omnipresente en la elite venezolana que practica al dedillo el manual aprendido de la estrategia golpista en Chile. Refleja, ante todo, las tensiones latentes en el modelo venezolano que deben comenzar a resolverse desde abajo, mediante la lucha. Hoy es cuando más necesitamos la crítica como herramienta fundamental de los revolucionarios, en lugar de una actitud de pasiva aprobación a todo cuanto haga la dirigencia bolivariana.
La génesis del bolivarianismo
Un hecho que marcó la historia reciente de Venezuela fue el Caracazo, gigantesca y espontánea movilización popular en contra de medidas de ajuste estructural decretadas por el gobierno socialdemócrata de Carlos Andrés Pérez en 1989, ahogadas en la sangre de entre 500 y 2.000 venezolanos. Sorprende que hasta la fecha no existan cifras fidedignas del número de muertos, lo que en cierta medida refleja su condición de “nadies”, de “desechables”, de “marginales”. Luego de ganarse una reputación por su intentona golpista en 1992, respuesta directa a un gobierno visto ampliamente como ilegítimo por las capas populares, el militar retirado Hugo Chávez Frías se presenta a las elecciones de 1999, como un forastero en a los círculos de poder que durante el período como Punto Fijo, se repartieron las cuotas burocráticas entre dos partidos. Su discurso populista y directo, su denuncia del status quo, cada vez más desgastado por la crisis petrolera que erosionaba las redes clientelistas y las corruptelas, capturaron inmediatamente la fascinación de las mayorías alienadas del sistema político-económico.
Pese a que sus primeras medidas redistributivas fueron tímidas, Chávez inmediatamente se ganó la antipatía de la élite porque por primera vez en la historia de la república eran desplazados de los círculos de poder. Este cambio abrupto se ratificó en la asamblea constituyente de 1999 donde los viejos partidos terminaron por desaparecer. En la nueva Constitución, que hoy hasta la propia derecha encabezada por Capriles reclama, se establecieron ciertas garantías sociales y derechos fundamentales que han beneficiado a sectores hasta entonces excluidos de acceso a salud o a educación, a contravía de las tendencias neoliberales hegemónicas en el mundo. También se ensayan rudimentos de formas participativas de democracia mediante la institucionalización del Poder Ciudadano. En la perspectiva garantista, esta Constitución es casi única en reconocer el derecho a la desobediencia civil en caso de que el gobierno viole la Constitución.
“Hoy la discusión no puede reducirse a aplastar al golpismo. También hay que aplastar la inercia, el burocratismo, el culto estatalista. Ambos se refuerzan mutuamente. Hay que luchar por una alternativa socialista y libertaria, pues las victorias a medias no son sino derrotas a la larga.”
Los años que siguieron a la Constitución fueron momentos decisivos en el viraje a la izquierda del proyecto político chavista; a cada intento de derrocarlo del poder, las masas en la base social del proyecto bolivariano respondieron con la profundización de sus demandas. Algunas de estas medidas incluyeron el golpe de Abril del 2002 y luego vino el paro patronal de diciembre del 2002 a febrero del 2003, ambos derrotados por la decisiva movilización popular y el respaldo del Ejército al proceso. El paro patronal, que tuvo como epicentro la paralización de la producción petrolera, vio a los trabajadores autogestionar sectores de esta industria para mantener la economía en pie. En este proceso, la clase capitalista rentista se desgastó e importantes sectores de ésta se vieron desplazados de un importante centro del poder cuando Chávez despidió a 19.000 técnicos, gerentes y mandos medios. Con ello, el proyecto bolivariano tomó el control de la renta petrolera y se aplicó a programas sociales llamados “misiones” con los cuales llevaron los recién conquistados derechos sociales a las zonas más marginalizadas del país. Pero también en este mismo proceso, se terminó con la experiencia de autogestión petrolera y, con nuevas caras, se volvió a la misma dinámica laboral de antes.
Pero es sólo tras el triunfo en el referéndum revocatorio de 2004, que el 2005 se atrevió a declarar públicamente su proyecto como “socialismo del siglo XXI”.
El socialismo del siglo XXI
En ese momento, Chávez define los cinco motores para la construcción del socialismo: nacionalización de las telecomunicaciones y la electricidad; control del 60% de PDVSA y de las operaciones multinacionales petroleras; reforma constitucional declarando a Venezuela una república bolivariana y socialista; educación política y lucha ideológica para superar los prejuicios capitalistas, nuevo ordenamiento territorial, administrativo del país acorde las necesidades del pueblo; desarrollo de organismos de poder comunitario. Se pretendía, con estas medidas, pasar del desarrollismo al poder popular.
Las primeras medidas de promoción de poder popular, como los comités de tierras urbanas, fueron, invariablemente, producidas desde arriba, mientras el énfasis fundamental seguía siendo la redistribución mediante las misiones, las cuales se hicieron hábilmente pasando por alto las estructuras de la burocracia administrativa del Estado, mezclando la movilización social con la participación del Ejército. Con ellas, se han logrado tal vez los más espectaculares logros del proyecto bolivariano, como la virtual eliminación del analfabetismo.
Otras iniciativas han dado resultados más contradictorios debido a las distorsiones de la economía rentista-petrolera y la enfermedad holandesa, así como a la persistencia del Estado clientelista e hipertrofiado. La reforma agraria es un buen caso de ello. Venezuela importa un 70% de los alimentos, tiene un 12% de población rural y el 5% de los propietarios en 1997 controlaban el 80% de la tierra. Desde el 2005, varios campesinos han recibido tierras y se ha estimulado la migración campo-ciudad; sin embargo, no ha sido fácil lograr la meta de la soberanía alimentaria porque la distorsión de la economía petrolera hace que la producción de alimentos sea más cara que la de los vecinos. Paradójicamente, Mercal, los almacenes subsidiados venden la mayoría de la comida importada porque sus precios son más populares. A la lenta expansión de la producción alimentaria (por detrás de la demanda), se suma el problema del sabotaje productivo y el acaparamiento.
También el control obrero es contradictorio. Las primeras expropiaciones de Chávez se dieron hacia el 2005, cuando algunas empresas pasaron a control obrero o compartido con el Estado. Pero obreros radicalizados que demandaban abandonar los esquemas patronales de gestión, considerar no solamente el lucro sino la necesidad y la sostenibilidad como criterios productivos o acabar con la división entre trabajadores manuales e intelectuales, encontraron sus más enconados enemigos en el propio ministerio del Trabajo, mientras Chávez se distanciaba de los “radicales” hasta que en el 2009 retomó el interés en ellas para luchas contra los “corruptos”. Muchas empresas quedaron aisladas, en un tramposo “socialismo en una fábrica”, mientras sectores de izquierda denunciaban este aventurerismo optando por esquemas puramente estatalistas. Pero más allá de las industrias existentes, el sueño de diversificar la economía sigue siendo elusivo: la economía sigue dominada por la renta petrolera y la creación de iniciativas como cooperativas caen en un círculo vicioso: la tasa de intercambio distorsionada por la economía rentista no ayuda a la competitividad en el mercado según las leyes capitalistas vigentes en Venezuela y la región, y los subsidios y apoyos a estas iniciativas de diversificación dependen de la renta petrolera, lo cual refuerza la debilidad estructural de la economía productiva.
¿Estado comunal?
Un aspecto importante de cómo el proyecto bolivariano entiende el poder popular, es el desarrollo de los consejos comunales, que serían la base de lo que Chávez llamó la transición del Estado burgués al Estado comunitario. Estos consejos, inspirados en la experiencia participativa de Porto Alegre, son mecanismos comunitarios para el desarrollo e implementación de proyectos de la comunidad. Pero han enfrentado la oposición de caciques locales, de agencias del Estado y del propio sistema bancario que debería financiar estos proyectos. Las estructuras clientelistas de la política tradicional y de los burócratas desconfían de las experiencias comunales que se vuelven demasiado independientes.
Aunque se ha reducido la pobreza, la desnutrición y el analfabetismo ha sido erradicado, la cuestión del poder sigue siendo el aspecto tirante del que depende no solamente la profundización del “proceso” sino que el mismo mantenimiento de lo logrado en esta década y media de experimentos sociales. Pese a la interacción de iniciativas desee abajo con las de arriba, las contradicciones entre el Estado y las comunidades sigue siendo el elemento que define la dinámica política del proceso. Particularmente porque el Estado, desde el desplazamiento de los antiguos puntofijistas de los espacios de poder, se ha convertido en el nicho de esta clase dominante tradicional, a la vez que quienes han llegado nuevos al Estado han adquirido rápidamente las prácticas corruptas, verticales y clientelistas que lo han caracterizado por décadas. Desde esos nichos, boicotean el cambio y se lucran, mientras visten camisas rojas rojitas. El chavismo ha privilegiado, la mayoría de las veces, a los burócratas obedientes por corruptos que sean y ha hecho la vista gorda ante las tajadas que se llevan. Cerrar la vista frente a esto fortalece a la derecha, aunque se trate de silenciar a los sectores populares que han denunciado esto. Lo malo de la rosca es no estar en ella. Así reza un conocido dicho colombo-venezolano.
La ausencia de liderazgos colectivos, el caudillismo y el verticalismo, representados en la lógica del Estado, han sido los principales enemigos de este proceso de transformaciones sociales. Esto quedó en evidencia ante la muerte del “comandante” en Marzo del 2013.
La actual coyuntura: ¿profundizar o terminar el “proceso”?
Luego de las elecciones municipales en diciembre, que la derecha rentista utilizó como una especie de referéndum, de las cuales el chavismo salió airoso, la nueva devaluación decretada da oportunidad para que estos sectores vuelvan a tomarse las calles después de una década de cabeza gacha. Quienes han lucrado con la fuga de capitales mediante el millonario desvío de recursos provenientes del petróleo a cuentas privadas en el extranjero mediante el sistema nacional de administración de divisas, CADIVI han puesto el grito de alarma con el anuncio de que este sistema sería reemplazado por uno nuevo (CENCOEX), y chillan contra la inflación y el desabastecimiento que, en gran medida, ellos mismos han creado. No olvidemos que en esta guerra económica, más de 50.000 toneladas de alimentos de primera necesidad acaparadas han sido requisadas desde comienzos del 2013 mientras empresarios de distinto signo han venido especulando con el comercio internacional, como el caso de los electrodomésticos, con tasas de ganancia del 1000%.
El problema no es que levanten cabeza, sino que sus privilegios no hayan sido tocados y que desde sus fortalezas todavía tengan recursos y organización para defender el privilegio absoluto. El problema es que los sectores populares que quieren profundizar su poder, control, su autonomía sean contenidos, sino reprimidos, mientras los de siempre ven sus privilegios amenazados pero no tocados, en una situación que tendrá que definirse tarde o temprano. El problema es que no se haya al capitalismo financiero el control de la banca del comercio exterior, que no exista un control popular del comercio, ni sanciones al acaparamiento que juega con el hambre del pueblo. El problema, en palabras de Roland Denis, es ese:
“modelo de un capitalismo de Estado rentista y parásito, que bajo sus políticas de control, concentración de poder y sustitución del control social por el funcionariato tecnócrata o burocrático; no sólo ha hecho a los ricos más ricos, a pesar de sus dádivas y políticas de justicia social, sino que ha aplastado a las fuerzas productivas y creadoras de una sociedad obrera y de pequeños productores privados y cooperativos (…) Desespera a las clases medias productoras, vuelve loca toda la demanda de consumo cada vez más insatisfecha, evidencia su incapacidad de responder por vía de la economía de Estado (sea de importación o de producción, las empresas de Estado están siendo quebradas por esta mentalidad inútil dedicada a destrozar la productividad social). Reactiva la curva de empobrecimiento por la inflación, y pronto de desempleo, por la improductividad económica, mermando día a día el valor del trabajo, cualquiera que sea el salario nominal.”[1]
Hay sólo dos maneras de enfrentar la coyuntura: una es mediante la represión a los movilizados y los llamados a la conciliación a los organizadores de la movilización. Esa es la apuesta que hasta el momento ha hecho Maduro. La otra, es desatar la fuerza popular y profundizar las transformaciones sociales en una perspectiva socialista y libertaria para desmontar esa elite parásita y rentista que desangra al país y que no estará contenta hasta no ver la amenaza –más imaginaria que real- de la abolición del privilegio disipada definitivamente.
Aparte de las medidas inmediatas (como la armonización del precio de la gasolina, frenar la fuga de capitales, la especulación y el acaparamiento) es imprescindible comprender la real naturaleza de las contradicciones sociales que enfrenta el “proceso”. No basta con reconocer que éste no es perfecto o que, naturalmente, tiene contradicciones. Esas contradicciones y limitaciones deben ser señaladas, discutidas, criticadas, corregidas. No se puede cerrar filas en torno a ellas, justificarlas, ni mucho menos, convertirlas en virtud y cerrar los ojos ante el impecable “liderazgo” del cacique de turno.
El pueblo hoy no puede seer un agente pasivo ni un mero grupo de choque del gobierno: debe reclamar su capacidad de agencia política, de protagonismo, una agenda propia, pues el socialismo no será construido desde el Estado. La descentralización, el desarrollo autónomo de los organismos de poder popular y control social es una tarea imprescindible en el actual momento. Debe haber una transferencia del poder desde el aparato estatal a los movimientos populares y su organización. En el Estado sobrevive la antigua clase del poder y los recién llegados asumen los mismos vicios. No será desde allá desde donde se construirá la sociedad igualitaria pues por definición el Estado reproduce activamente la desigualdad y la asimetría en el poder. Como plantea el periodista Iain Bruce, analizando el proceso bolivariano “¿Cómo podrían oponerse al aparato existente quienes llegaron al poder a través de él? (…) se hace cada vez más claro que muchos de los nuevos habitantes de ese viejo edificio (…) están bastante contentos con su nuevo hogar y tienen una silenciosa tendencia a aplastar a todo aquel que sugiera que éste debería ser derrumbado para construir algo totalmente diferente”[2].
Hoy la discusión no puede reducirse a aplastar al golpismo. También hay que aplastar la inercia, el burocratismo, el culto estatalista. Ambos se refuerzan mutuamente. Hay que luchar por una alternativa socialista y libertaria, pues las victorias a medias no son sino derrotas a la larga.
26 de Febrero, 2014
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How come Firefox displays a weird character when it should show a word?
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