[publicado en la edición n°21 de solidaridad]
por Vladimir benoit
Las constantes movilizaciones populares han replanteado el debate estratégico entre las fuerzas de izquierda. En lo fundamental, este proceso de delineación ha pasado por las definiciones expresadas a partir del cómo desarrollar las actuales tareas democráticas que van colocando el mismo movimiento social en la palestra y cómo ir resolviendo el rol de lo electoral en este proceso, todo esto bajo una perspectiva revolucionaria.
De todas formas, la solución de estos conflictos al interior de una izquierda que se reconstruye al alero del movimiento popular pasa, en lo fundamental, por dar una profunda discusión programática. Las tareas estratégicas se derivan siempre de una caracterización y estimación del momento político, de quienes son los enemigos directos, indirectos y aliados potenciales, pero sobre todo, de cuál es la realidad de las fuerzas principales de la revolución. En este caso, si consideramos que la clase trabajadora en sus diversas facetas, es la fuerza principal de transformación, no sólo en Chile, sino a nivel internacional, nuestras interrogantes deben apuntar a cómo, en el actual contexto de desarrollo de tareas democráticas, marcado fundamentalmente por la irrupción del movimiento estudiantil, la clase trabajadora puede entrar al proceso y desarrollar una perspectiva independiente.
El impacto de la Dictadura
La derrota política y militar sufrida por los trabajadores y el pueblo organizado el ’73 tuvo un profundo impacto, no sólo por la imposición de los ajustes neoliberales, derivados de la crisis estructural del patrón anterior y que seguían la tendencia del capitalismo mundial, sino por su fuerte impacto subjetivo. La idea de la clase trabajadora como un actor en la política nacional fue borrada hasta de la memoria. Hoy, eso se traduce en una baja tasa de sindicalización (no más del 10% en promedio) y una menor capacidad negociadora (8% en promedio) con ajustes más que paupérrimos (menos de un 1% de ajuste en promedio) y una nula representación política.
“Las tareas estratégicas se derivan siempre de una caracterización y estimación del momento político, de quienes son los enemigos directos, indirectos y aliados potenciales, pero sobre todo, de cuál es la realidad de las fuerzas principales de la revolución.”
Pero así también la cultura está completamente hegemonizada por la ideología burguesa, las prácticas solidarias son materia de la historiografía y los conflictos sociales son asimilados en el reclamo “ciudadano”. Por lo tanto, hoy la crisis orgánica de la clase trabajadora no es sólo organizacional, sino que es profundamente subjetiva. Las y los trabajadores no nos reconocemos como clase ni identificamos claramente a nuestros opresores. De ahí que el escenario de luchas que se abre no es sólo uno donde debemos buscar “ganadas”, sino que las “ganadas” son, principalmente, articuladoras del tejido social. Las luchas democráticas no serán, para los revolucionarios, un esfuerzo por ampliar la democracia burguesa, sino que deben apuntar, principalmente, al desarrollo de una fuerza social clasista que emerja del período como un claro actor en la política nacional y permita perfilar a las y los trabajadores como la única clase dirigente que, bajo sus formas de poder propia, sean capaces de transformar el país. Las luchas democráticas, en ese sentido, deben ser el escenario mismo que muestre los límites de la democracia burguesa y hagan entrar en cuenta a las amplias capas del pueblo que su deseo, escondido detrás de las luchas emergentes, sólo puede ser realizado como parte del proyecto socialista. Por lo tanto, en el período de luchas democráticas no sólo debemos estar codo a codo reconstruyendo nuestras organizaciones, sino que debemos usar esos espacios como el campo que haga verosímil una apuesta socialista y libertaria, que empuje a los sectores más avanzados y que atraiga a la lucha a los más atrasados. En este marco de tareas, los estudiantes cumplen un rol fundamental.
La tarea del estudiantado
En términos estrictos, las tareas socialistas solo pueden ser enfrentadas si los trabajadores y trabajadoras, como clase, ocupa un rol hegemónico en el proceso. En ese sentido es correcto sostener que aún pasamos por un proceso de reconstrucción del movimiento popular y de su fuerza principal: la clase trabajadora. Pero, ¿Qué rol cumplen los estudiantes? La verdad, antes de cualquier cosa, hay que decir que el estudiante actual no es el mismo que hace 30 años. Las transformaciones neoliberales que han traído aparejada la brutal mercantilización de la educación han integrado a su vez, por medio del mecanismo de la deuda y el crédito, a amplios sectores que tradicionalmente no accedían a la educación superior, así como se ha ampliado la cobertura de la educación en los niveles inferiores, básicos y medios hasta casi al 100%. Como bien señala la OCDE, el sistema educacional chileno pasó de ser uno de élites a uno de masas, diferenciado y segmentado, obviamente. Es más, los sectores que más han aumentado su matrícula son los CFT e IP, llegando a un 137% entre el 2006 y el 2011, seguidos por las Universidades Privadas en un 63% y sólo un 18% las Universidades del CRUCH. De una u otra forma, si bien la composición del movimiento sigue siendo heterogénea, los sectores que experimentan la crisis de la educación son los amplios sectores de trabajadores que se endeudan para estudiar y, al salir de la Universidad, se encuentran con un mercado de trabajo estrecho. Por lo tanto, la crisis de la educación es, fundamentalmente, una crisis que experimentan las familias trabajadoras, lo que produce directamente conflicto de clase pero que aún no encuentra su resolución en esa clave, menos aún con partidos como la Izquierda Autónoma, que se esfuerzan por restringir el conflicto al gremio -y nos han criticado nuestra propuesta multisectorial-, orientando la lucha en una perspectiva ciudadana, enfocándose hacia los “sectores medios” y no populares.
“Las luchas democráticas no serán, para los revolucionarios, un esfuerzo por ampliar la democracia burguesa, sino que deben apuntar, principalmente, al desarrollo de una fuerza social clasista que emerja del período como un claro actor en la política nacional y permita perfilar a las y los trabajadores como la única clase dirigente que, bajo sus formas de poder propia, sean capaces de transformar el país. ”
La lucha estudiantil hoy carga con un potencial clasista mucho mayor; su posibilidad de llegar a otras capas trabajadoras por medio de reivindicaciones que rápidamente se vuelven transversales y de gran aceptación en la población, le da un rol privilegiado en el desarrollo dinámico de la lucha de clases. En nuestra opinión, la estrategia multisectorial que ha empezado a sonar fuerte en la nueva dirección de la FECH, es fundamental, pero necesita ser complementada con el desarrollo de ejes políticos aún más amplios. Querámoslo o no, hoy es el movimiento estudiantil el único con la capacidad real de transversalizar un programa de lucha que no sólo contemple las demandas democráticas, sino que lo haga en una perspectiva de clase e incite a los demás sectores del pueblo trabajador a pelear por él. El movimiento estudiantil debe y puede ser el eje articulador de las luchas populares en estos 4 años de gobierno de Bachelet, preparando las condiciones para los duros combates que vendrán en este tira y afloja a propósito del rearme de la clase trabajadora y el reacomodo del bloque en el poder.
Sólo desarrollando una perspectiva clasista bajo formas organizativas independientes del gobierno, de los partidos burgueses y ciudadanistas, es que el pueblo trabajador podrá salir fortalecido como clase del período, dando un salto cualitativo en la correlación de fuerzas. Porque no sólo basta una fuerza, sino que es tal en cuanto desarrolla una perspectiva determinada: de clase.
Las luchas democráticas son un escenario objetivo y su logro, dentro de la estrategia revolucionaria, un paso táctico, nada más, pero tampoco nada menos. En última instancia, los sectores de izquierda revolucionaria deberán salir a disputar estos triunfos en donde su despunte puede terminar de dos formas. Con los sectores de clase más combativos y con capacidad de negociación que se hagan parte de estos procesos empantanados en la institucionalidad burguesa; o bien, con organizaciones fortalecidas, coordinadas bajo programas de unidad y con perspectiva de poder propia que les permita avanzar en el desarrollo de una crisis orgánica del Estado neoliberal y su modelo de desarrollo, obligando a la burguesía a replegarse aún más.
La acción directa de masas
Desde las movilizaciones del 2001 e incluso antes, con la toma de Peñalolén a fines de los 90, el movimiento popular ha utilizado como método central de lucha la acción directa de masas, debido a que en la estreches institucional vigente, las demandas populares tiene muy poca cabida o posibilidad de diálogo con la estructura estatal. El grueso de los conflictos que han marcado la agenda nacional están determinados, fundamentalmente, por la participación masiva y los mecanismos de enfrentamiento directo con las fuerzas estatales, ya sea cortando caminos, calles, tomando colegios, e incluso controlando un amplio radio urbano mientras el conflicto se mantiene.
Esta tendencia al uso espontáneo de la acción directa como método privilegiado por la clase trabajadora y el pueblo obedece a la dinámica que le es propia, de amplia participación, estructura asamblearia, etc. En otras palabras, la acción directa de masas no es sólo un método, sino que es el resultado de un proceso deliberativo colectivo, la forma que asume una democracia de base, radical y real, muy diferente a la artificial democracia burguesa. Por lo tanto, la acción directa de masas es el resultado de un proceso que es clave en la (re)construcción de la clase trabajadora y el pueblo como fuerza política y social: la democracia de base.
Según las compañeras y compañeros del CIPSTRA, el total de trabajadores involucrados en huelgas ilegales, ha aumentado de 95.209 el año 1999 a 1.581.195 el 2009, lo que contrasta con las legales que contaron con 10.293 trabajadores y 21.915, en los años respectivos. El citado estudio da cuenta de una tendencia que recorre el conjunto del incipiente movimiento popular: el uso de la acción directa se ha constituido en el método privilegiado en su reconfiguración, lo que contrasta fuertemente con la vía electoral que ha intentado impulsar cierta parte de la izquierda que ha considerado que la movilización social ha tocado un techo.
De lo anterior, se deriva que cualquier estrategia de rearme debe contar con dos pilares: la multisectorialidad, como proceso de unidad programática y desarrollo de la solidaridad efectiva, fundamental en la constitución subjetiva de la clase; y la acción directa de masas, como el método más dinámico y potente en la reconstrucción orgánica y política la clase trabajadora y el pueblo, en tanto se basa en la democracia de base radical. Estos dos ejes centrales se muestran como la forma más concreta de enfrentar el escenario y los objetivos inmediatos del período: las transformaciones democráticas. Sin embargo, se necesita de un factor determinante en la composición del aspecto subjetivo: la izquierda revolucionara como fuerza política y, dentro de ésta, las y los libertarios.
El rol de las y los libertarios
La conformación de una fuerza política de izquierda revolucionaria que sea una alternativa a las perspectivas progresistas neoliberales y reformistas que se re-articulan bajo la perspectiva ciudadana, con programas enfocados en los sectores medios o buscando atraer a los pequeños capitalistas, desestimando una estrategia que se plantee desde hoy la lucha por el poder popular, es una urgencia. Falta un polo diferente al PC y a los sectores reformistas al lado del PC y que dispute desde la izquierda la recomposición del movimiento popular. Esta unidad, obviamente, puede ser sólo a partir del debate programático y el desarrollo de la lucha concreta, desarrollando alianzas estratégicas y, con el reformismo, alianzas de carácter táctico que permitan debatir estrategia y ganarlo (o a sus militantes) para la izquierda revolucionaria. Esto implica construir sin sectarismos ni temores, ampliar el debate y los espacios de encuentros al alero de las luchas efectivas que empezará a dar sin demora la clase trabajadora. Sólo esto permitirá desarrollar el necesario espíritu de escisión, separando a las trabajadoras y trabajadores de la influencia de la burguesía y del reformismo, y dotándolos de una perspectiva independiente, capaz de plantearse tareas más avanzadas en esta dura lucha por el Socialismo y la Libertad.
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