A 40 años del Golpe: reivindicamos la experiencia del Poder Popular y el Socialismo desde abajo

40-años-pueblo

La Unidad Popular se convierte en gobierno

El 4 de septiembre de 1970 se vivió una situación inédita: la Unidad Popular (coalición que agrupaba a los partidos de izquierda tradicionales), vencía en las elecciones y asumía la Presidencia de la República. Este hecho fue expresión de un cambio en la correlación de fuerzas, en donde la burguesía en conflicto interno se presentó dividida al proceso electoral (la Democracia Cristiana por un lado y el Partido Nacional por otro), situación que fue aprovechada por la izquierda.

La UP intentó llevar adelante un ambicioso programa que hacia explícitamente referencia a una transición al socialismo, el cual entre otros puntos, abogaba por la nacionalización de las minas, la estatización de la banca y de los monopolios comerciales e industriales considerados estratégicos para la economía nacional (91 empresas), la profundización de la reforma agraria, la implementación de una verdadera política de redistribución de los ingresos, el reajuste de los salarios en función del costo de vida, etc. La nueva situación política generada con la llegada al gobierno de la UP tuvo como una de sus consecuencias la ampliación de los márgenes de actuación en los que hasta entonces se habían movido los movimientos populares, desarrollándose nuevas formas de acción y organización que involucraron a cientos de miles de chilenos tanto en el medio rural como en las ciudades, y que adoptaron diversas formas, incluso extrainstitucionales.

Sin embargo, las clases dominantes y sus aliados foráneos, no se quedarían de brazos cruzados viendo como el pueblo trabajador adquiría cada vez más protagonismo. Las fuerzas reaccionarias implementaron un plan de desestabilización que incluyó “todas las formas de lucha”; el sabotaje patronal de la producción, el boicot económico y parlamentario de la derecha unificada, los atentados de grupos fascistas como Patria y Libertad, el paro de octubre de 1972 encabezado por 45.000 camioneros y los colegios profesionales (financiado por empresas y el gobierno estadounidense a través de la CIA), y los ensayos golpistas como el tanquetazo. Frente a esta ofensiva y virtual insurrección de la burguesía, el “gobierno popular” se mostró vacilante, prevaleciendo en su seno una línea estratégica que optó por el “gradualismo” y la conciliación de clases, dejando un gran margen maniobra que la oposición no desaprovecharía.

El pueblo trabajador, al calor de la lucha, forja un camino independiente y desde abajo

Mientras por arriba el gobierno era incapaz de frenar el avance reaccionario, por abajo, el pueblo y los trabajadores comenzaban a tomar conciencia de que debían cumplir un rol activo en el proceso.

Es así, como en los enclaves industriales de Santiago, pero también de otras provincias, se desarrollaron los llamados “Cordones Industriales”, agrupaciones territoriales conformadas por trabajadoras y trabajadores de diferentes industrias que buscaban defender y ampliar las conquistas para su clase, de manera directa y colectiva. Los Cordones pelearon conjuntamente por reivindicaciones, como el paso de sus industrias al Área de Propiedad Social o el control obrero de la producción, e hicieron frente a la embestida empresarial y a la reacción contra el proceso de cambio. Su rol fue crucial para garantizar la continuidad de la producción y de la distribución, a través de las Juntas de Abastecimiento y control de Precios (JAP) y de la eliminación de intermediarios entre la producción y el consumo, y además para proteger las instalaciones de las empresas así como la maquinaria y los insumos. Su pujanza en áreas como Vicuña Mackenna, Panamericana o Cerrillos-Maipú, lugares de enorme concentración industrial, demostró la fuerza, el compromiso y la iniciativa adquirida por la clase trabajadora, para hacer frente de manera directa a las dificultades que salían al paso en el camino hacia el socialismo. Además, siguiendo el mismo principio, a nivel comunal, se construyeron los denominados “Comandos Comunales”, instancias en donde la clase obrera además se coordinaba con otros actores sociales, tales como pobladores y campesinos.

En el medio rural, la lucha por la reforma agraria, que venía ascendiendo desde los 60’s, tomó un gran impulso. Las tomas de terrenos al latifundio por parte de campesinos sin tierra o empobrecidos se extendieron como forma de lucha principalmente en el sur del país, y el sindicalismo agrario alcanzó cotas de afiliación y de dinamismo nunca antes conocidas. En las “corridas de cerco” que se multiplicaron al sur del Bio-Bio se combinó la demanda por la tierra y la afirmación nacional mapuche. Mientras tanto, el movimiento de pobladores, orientado por fuerzas revolucionarias (sobre todo el MIR), desarrollaba interesantes experiencias de control territorial ejercido desde la base, en diversos campamentos y tomas de sitios de carácter urbano, en donde el ejemplo emblemático fue el “Campamento Nueva la Habana”

Todas estas prácticas de Poder Popular, si bien surgieron como respuesta a los ataques de la derecha, se convirtieron rápidamente en una alternativa concreta de los sectores populares para dar solución a sus necesidades más apremiantes, saltándose las trabas burocráticas del Estado y obviando en los hechos la institucionalidad. La mayoría del gobierno no vio con buenos ojos el desarrollo de estas iniciativas, puso obstáculos a su desarrollo, e incluso entró en abierto conflicto con ellas. Ejemplo de esto, fue el intento de devolver a los patrones las numerosas empresas ocupadas por los trabajadores durante el paro sedicioso de octubre, o la promulgación de la ley de control de armas, que legitimó allanamientos diarios a fábricas, asesinatos impunes de obreros, y que en definitiva desarmó al pueblo trabajador que estaba dispuesto a luchar, dejándolo con las manos desnudas frente a los militares que ya se sentían venir.

El legado de los 70’s: reivindicar la iniciativa popular

El 11 de septiembre de 1973 los militares apoyados por la burguesía y el imperialismo estadounidense tomaron el control del Estado derrocando al gobierno de la UP, e implantaron un modelo económico que hasta el día de hoy nos priva de nuestros derechos más elementales. El terrorismo de Estado desarticuló al conjunto del movimiento popular y sus organizaciones políticas ensañándose con aquel pueblo fuerte y organizado que amenazaba los privilegios de una minoría y desde cuyas entrañas emanaba una fuerza que apuntaba hacia la construcción de nuevas relacionas sociales y económicas antagónicas a la lógica de acumulación del capital. Miles de militantes populares fueron “hechos desaparecer”, ejecutados, encarcelados y exiliados.

La unidad en la acción de las fuerzas revolucionarias, la democracia directa popular, el fomento de la participación y actividad desde la base, el concebir el Poder Popular como un elemento estratégico (y no como una táctica instrumental) que prefigure la sociedad que anhelamos construir, son cuestiones que la generación que vivió, luchó y ofrendó su vida durante los agitados años de la UP nos dejó como enseñanza. El debate estratégico entre los revolucionarios en torno al tema del poder, el rol central que ocupa la clase trabajadora en la construcción del socialismo y la espinosa discusión en torno a los límites de la institucionalidad burguesa para avanzar en nuestras luchas, son también debates a los cuales hay que darle respuesta y que emergen a propósito del periódico que cerró el Golpe. Hoy, 40 años después, la construcción de Poder Popular continúa siendo el eje central y estratégico de quienes sabemos que la edificación de una fuerza social fuerte y cohesionada es la mejor garantía para avanzar en nuestros objetivos y consolidarlos, teniendo siempre como horizonte el Socialismo y la Libertad.

Espartaco Gatti

Publicado en el número 19 del periódico libertario “Solidaridad”

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